Spaces of Aid

“Spaces of Aid: The spatial turn and humanitarian intervention,” Paper presented at the BISA Conference, December 15, 2009, Leicester

Since the mid-1990s, international, non-governmental and multilateral actors have increased their organizational awareness of physical security concerns in the field (UN Secretary General, 2000). Where humanitarian presence was historically protected through appeals to international legal and moral norms of neutrality and immunity there is an increasing focus on the need to physically protect and control the space of intervention –  from the space of the body, to vehicles and their trajectories, to the living and work environments of both staff and beneficiaries (Van Brabant, 2000; Smirl, 2008). Such considerations have become necessary as humanitarian actors work in increasingly more complex and violent aid environments, leading to the paradoxical outcome that the international aid workers become increasingly enclosed, guarded and cordoned off from the very populations they were mobilized to assist (Stoddard, Harmer et al., 2009).

Current work on humanitarianism is now concerned with the implications that this may have on the politicization of humanitarian space through the built environment. However, this work fails to adequately theorize the mechanisms by which this politicization occurs. This paper seeks to address this by

  • first, examining what a spatial approach to humanitarian intervention might look like;
  • second, how such an approach can contribute to a better understanding of the significance of current trends toward humanitarian enclavism;
  • third, widening the debate out from the specific form of the compound to demonstrate that the tendency towards enclosure is a pervasive feature of humanitarian engagement in the field regardless of securitization.

Methodologically, this paper draws upon interviews with aid workers and security officials and a review of security manuals from ECHO, the IFRC, DFID and the UN.  It is supplemented by photographic and archival research and as a theoretical examination of the spatial turn in humanitarian intervention it is intentionally wide ranging – drawing on a variety of cases from Ache, East Timor, Rwanda, Darfur, and Sarajevo.

Before beginning it is necessary to undertake a few definitions.  In the context of this paper, the term humanitarian refers to the full spectrum of international assistance from relief to development.  The expression “in the field” is used to refer to the site of the humanitarian field mission, or offices of a given humanitarian agency based in a country which is being assisted. While th term ‘the field’ is itself inherently spatial – a phenomena I address elsewhere – I leave it unproblematized in the context of this paper.  Similarly, while acknowledging the inherently spatial nature of terms such as the ‘local’ and the ‘international’ in some cases these are the most clear designation for categories of people for normally reside in what is considered ‘the field’ (in the case of the former) and those that work in the mobile space of international organizations (for the latter).

Part I – The framework:  lessons from other space(s)

In The Production of Space Henri Lefebvre famously lays out a tri-partite framework for examining space (Lefebvre, 1991).  His intent is to demonstrate the role that space and place play in the production of capitalist subjectivities and processes.  However, the impact of this framework has gone far beyond a narrow Marxist analysis and has been used to explain the production and reproduction of identities, subjects and social relations regardless of the initial ontological assumptions.

In The Production of Space and subsequent works, Lefebvre urges the reader to critically interrogate the seemingly unproblematic nature of space as inert place in contemporary epistemology.  By analysing the causal role that space as place in the reproduction of accepted ontological categories, insight is gained into the various functions that space and place play in the establishment and maintenance of power relations more generally.

Lefebvre lays out a model of conceived, perceived and lived spaces. Conceived space (or representations of space)  is “conceptualised space, the space of scientists, planners, urbanists, technocratic subdividers and social engineers…all of whom identify what is lived and what is perceived with what is conceived” (Lefebvre, 1991, 38). Perceived space (or spatial practice) is the space of everydayness.  It is how a place is commonly used in routine existence and contains the “routes and networks which link up the places set aside for work, ‘private’ life and leisure” (Lefebvre, 1991, 38).  Lived space (or representational space) is the space of “the imagination which has been kept alive and accessible by the arts and literature” (Shields, 2004, 210).  It is

space as lived through its associated images and symbols, and hence the space of space of ‘inhabitants’ and ‘users’…This is the dominated – and hence passively experienced – space which the imagination seeks to change and appropriate.  It overlays physical space, making symbolic use of its objects (Lefebvre, 1991, 39).

This tri-partite model (or triple dialectic) has proved useful for subsequent theoretical explorations of the nature of space.  For example, David Harvey, lays out the categories of space as absolute, relative and relational (Harvey, 2006).[1]  A third spatial theorist who is well known for his work on spatial trilectics is Ed Soja who translates Lefebvre’s framework into a First Space which is known, mappable (analogous, according to Soja, to Lefebvre’s perceived space); a Second Space with is imagined (analogous to Lefebvre’s conceived and lived spaces); a Third Space which brings together spaces which are both real and imagined (Soja, 1996).

In the context of humanitarian intervention, the use of a similar tri-lectic proves to be of great heuristic value.   Drawing upon insights from Lefebvre, Harvey and Soja, it is possible to identify three distinct spaces of relevance to humanitarian intervention.

The ‘first space’ or espace conçu is identifiable in the abstract spatial constructions of humanitarian assistance.  It can be seen in the neo-liberal, technocratic categorization of countries according to levels of poverty, conflict, volatility.  The way in which poverty and instability are mapped onto geographic locales and conversely how these geographies of humantarianism form the basis of further categories of intervention, assistance and international relations.  The most obvious example of the conceived space of humanitarian intervention is the distinction between first and third world countries.  Although this distinction has become refined and adapted to more nuanced categories such as HIPC, LICUS or LDCs, the spatial logic remains the same.  The underlying categories used to define the problem and need of global humanitarianism are based upon the spatial ontologies of OECD countries.  Nor is conceived space purely restricted to the macro-level.  Within international organizations, the established mode of service delivery is through technocratic tools and approaches which rely upon the conceptual belief that the spaces of assistance are as they are constructed within the humanitarian imaginary.

The perceived space of humanitarianism is how humanitarianism is experienced – the sensory experience of providing aid.  While it is possible to conceive of the sensory experience including a wide range of embodied experiences such as global conferences, meetings with beneficiaries, and so on., the field mission is the exemplar of perceived humanitarian space.  This is because the physical distance between the source of humanitarian assistance – first world capitals – and the place where the assistance is being delivered – the third world field site, or mission – restricts the experience of humanitarianism to the interface between those individuals who physically travel to deliver assistance and those individuals who receive it.

Lived humanitarian space encompasses both perceived space and conceived space – looking at how the representations of humanitarian assistance are represented and woven into histories and  experiences.  In the context of humanitarianism, examples of lived space are the experiences that individuals have with each other through the process of work, projects, social interactions, publicity.  Here, Soja’s idea of Third Space (as well as its subsequent uptake by post-colonial theorists such as Bhabha (Bhabha, 1990), Spivak (Spivak and Harasym, 1990), Khan (Khan, 1998)) points to the role that a hybrid space between so called reality and imagination plays in interrogating, building and contesting conceived as well as perceived spaces.

The next part of the paper will examine this framework in three material contexts of humanitarian intervention:  the humanitarian compound, the SUV or land-rover and the Grand Hotel.  Doing so allows for a better understanding of  the precise way in which the spatiality of humanitarian intervention is significant.

 

Part II – The Humanitarian Compound

Since the early 1990s there has been a consistent tendency toward an increased physical securitization of ‘the field’.  Three specific trends can be identified: the introduction of standardized security regulations and building codes within the UN, the rise of the UN integrated mission, One Office approach and tendency for governments to co-locate humanitarian, development and political field offices, and the increased stress on standardized security protocols for field staff in a wide variety of organizations. Among these tendencies, the built form of the humanitarian compound stands out as a key example of this tendency.

But what exactly is a compound?  As an exemplar, a humanitarian compound is a securitized, walled space which contains buildings for both working and living.  It will be guarded, and entry will be controlled – usually through a system of identification.  It will contain the food and NFIs to be distributed, as well as vehicles.  It will be self-contained – having independent generation, water and food supplies for staff and it will be networked to other parts of its organization through independent communication channels at a velocity that it much higher than the majority of its immediate physical surroundings.  This is not to say all aid agencies work and live in compounds however the trend within aid work is towards increased physical securitization of staff and assets, driven (according to Duffield (Duffield, 2009)) by the need for insurance.  Through the homogenizing and securitized nature of the compound, the person who is the ‘object of development’ can only be permitted into the confines of the compound if they meet the requirements of the ideal beneficiary (Mitchell, 2002). And the more that the compound is securitized and separated from those its supposed to be assisting, the more the ideal beneficiary will become abstracted: in Auge’s terms “a spectacle of the real” (Augé, 1995).

This enclavism exists even when the precise physical conditions of the compound are not present. In the terminology of Tilly and Collins, the institutional conditions in the field effectively create reified social groupings (Tilly, 2005; Collins, 2004).  There will be minimal contact between these groups and local populations. And contact that does take place will be highly codified, taking the form of “fact finding missions”, prearranged meetings or consultations. Consider the ECHO’s advice to staff on “relations with the local population” (European Commission Humanitarian Aid Office, 2004a, 21). As part of an effective security strategy, managers and staff should “spend a considerable proportion of their time meeting and talking with a representative variety of local people” including “random visits to homes in a variety of geographical areas…; visiting people living away from major towns and away from major roads….[and] visiting areas inaccessible to vehicles, on foot if necessary” (European Commission Humanitarian Aid Office, 2004a, 21).  They admit that “There is a tendency for busy humanitarian staff to visit people near easily accessible towns and routes far more than those in areas off the beaten track”.

This tendency is almost inescapable in a context where staff are simultaneously being told and trained to minimize risks, to only walk on “well used roads” (European Commission Humanitarian Aid Office, 2004a, 29), to be “suspicious of anything out of the ordinary”, to “walk alone or drive alone” and to always “know where you are going” – all quotes from the same EC manual.  While understandable as a security strategy, the cognitive implications of this advice are significant.  Combined with an intensification of security trainings which emulate car jackings and stress the danger in the everyday, aid workers gravitate towards the same secure housing estates, and familiar bars, restaurants, hotels and gyms. In Goffman’s terms, the “ex-pat” enclave exhibits characteristics of a “total institution” which structures the aid workers existence in the field and mediates their understanding of their local surroundings and the people they are supposed to be assisting (Goffman, 1991).  In Lefebvre’s terms, it will shape their perceived space and inevitably what is considered to be normal, to be safe.  This is supported by lessons from gated communities which seem to suggest that increased physical separation, does contribute to a fear of what lies outside the gates.

Lessons from gated communities

Since the 1960s the defensive architectural technique of the gated communities (GCs) have been studied as an identifiable and prevalent settlement type (Blakely and Snyder, 1997).[2]   Atkinson and Blandy (2005) define GCs as a “housing development that restricts public access” symbolically and/or physically,  “usually through the use of gates, booms, walls and fences.  These residential areas may also employ security staff or CCTV systems to monitor access.  In addition, GCs may include a variety of services such as shops or leisure facilities” (Atkinson and Blandy, 2005, 177).  Most importantly, they represent an attempt by their residents to disengage with the wider social processes in an attempt to increase security, safety and comfort.  They are “residential enclaves [that] in all times and places share a basic characteristic of setting themselves off from the urban matrix around them, through control of access, and the solidification of their perimeters” (Luymes, 1997, 198).  Work on GCs in the UK reveals startling similarities with international humanitarian compounds.  Acknowledging the immediate difference – that the compound is established with the purpose of accomplishing a particular labour outcome, while the GC is established primarily for residential and associated purposes such as increased social cohesion and quality of life –  comparisons may offer insight both in terms of material form, and in the ways it affects their residents’ understandings of their local environments.

For many internationals, the experience of working in the field will have an effect much like that of Atkinson and Blandy’s description of the inhabitants of so-called GCs in the UK, US, and Canada.  Consider Atkinson and Flint’s description of connected “fortified residential and work spaces” which resemble  “a seam of partition running spatially and temporally through cities” (2004, 877).  Residents of GCs restrict their movement to a small and secure number of places…”elite fractions seamlessly moving between secure residential, workplace, education and leisure destinations” (Atkinson and Blandy, 2005, 180).  Similarly, for many humanitarians in the field, movement is restricted between office, home and target project.  Contact is often limited with the aid recipient, and when it exists it is highly codified interaction – often within humanitarian or government space.

Significant research has been undertaken on the relationship between the form of a GC and the perceptions and behaviours of its inhabitants.  The results raise similar questions for the inhabitants of humanitarian enclaves.  In particular, three findings are applicable to this discussion.  First, Low (2001, 2003) found that the process of living in gated communities may have actually increased residents’ fear, even though fear of crime and personal insecurity are cited as a major reason for moving to a GC (Blakely and Snyder, 1997).  The first way that this would occur was through the general, overall increased attention to security which heightens residents’ awareness of anything that might seem abnormal.  By surrounding themselves with constant reminders of the possibility of crime such as CCTVs, guards, and gates, residents begin to frame their existence in terms of secure versus non–secure situations.  As applied to the case of international humanitarian assistance, a similar impact could be seen from the introduction of system wide, standardized training programmes for staff; the mainstreaming of security concerns into programme design; and the introduction of increased physical security measures.

A second way in which GCs increase their residents’ fear, is through heightening the residents’ distinction between the space of the GC, which is safe, and that which lies outside the gates and is unsafe and threatening.  Residents of GCs expressed the feeling of being threatened “just being out in normal urban areas, unrestricted urban areas” (Low, 2001, 54).  The process of gating a community is by definition about identifying those that belong and those that do not.  The category that is used to define this belonging is spatial.  Those that are outside are against us; those that are within, are with.  Rationally, there is a recognition that not all the people who live outside of the humanitarian enclave are enemies.  However, looking at the impact that gating has on its inhabitants, even within a normal civic setting, raises serious concerns as to the potential impact of humanitarian enclaves on the humanitarians who reside in them.

A security expert in Banda Aceh felt that within expat communities in the field a “siege mentality” can develop, where “you don’t speak the language, don’t read the local press so are completely isolated from what is going on around you.  This can mean that you have the impression that everyone is incredibly nice, or that everyone is out to get you.”[3]  He went on to say that, in an immediate post–disaster situation internationals are particularly isolated; they “really don’t have any contact with the local community.”[4]  In this context, an event that is actually part of the “normal chaos” happens, such as kids throwing stones at a passing car, or a mugging of international staff, it is seen as a huge aberration warranting (and requiring) stringent security measures.  [5] And unlike most other places, where the longer you stay, the more comfortable you become, in an expat situation the situation is “highly charged” and because as a Westerner you are “highly visible” even in a neutral or positive way, you begin to think that everything is about you, and you may interpret things in a skewed way.  [6]

At the time of the above interview, in June 2008, there had been an increase in recorded incidents of crime (World Bank/DSF, 2008) which many expats in Aceh were anecdotally interpreting as proof of increasing anti–foreign sentiment amongst the Acehnese.  However, my informant proposed that this crime increase could actually be seen as evidence of things in Aceh “returning to normal”; that people were no longer in a state of “post–tsunami shock”.  [7] Further, prior to and during the tsunami, crime figures were not published making any statistical increase using an artificially low crime rate for its starting point.  However, within the ‘gated community’ of the ‘expat bubble’, anecdotal experience quickly turns into fact, resulting in increased security measures on the part some international organisations.

A third way in which the spatial arrangement of the gated community affects its residents’ perceptions is through path dependence.  Low observed that once residents started to live within GCs they were unlikely to move out again (2001, 47).  This is supported by Merry (1981) which found that a lack of familiarity with ones’ surroundings is an important contributing factor to residents’ perception of danger.  Again, as applied to trends in humanitarianism, the more that humanitarians tend to enclose themselves, or adopt defensive or deterrent security strategies, the less likely they will be to revert to acceptance strategies.  Even if the fear is not supported by empirical evidence, over long periods of time it my lead “people to unnecessarily secure themselves, remove themselves from social activities, and increase levels of distrust of others” (Wilson-Doenges, 2000, 600).[8]

This reinforcement of shared beliefs among physically proximate communities is supported by those who argue for a geographic basis for culture; for example, Wagner and Mikesell (1962) stress the importance of the “habitual and shared communication [that] is likely to occur only among those who occupy a common area’” in the formation of a cultural identity (as quoted in Cresswell, 2004, 17).  Within this cultural identity are shared models of self and also shared models of the other.  By increasingly using the compound epistemology as the basis for envisaging and understanding the place that they are in, both possibilities of thought and possibilities for action are shut off: dismissed as non–options or worse, simply unimaginable.  If we consider Tuan’s (1977) view that as human subjects we get to know the world through our perception and experience of places, if the perceptions and experiences of humanitarian workers are confined to compounds, then there is little chance for humanitarians to get to know the world that they are assisting.  If the objective of the humanitarian assistance is to better understand, relate to, assist, and capacitate the ‘other’, is this not completely at odds with such practices of enclosure?  If experience of space and place are fundamental to a human’s understanding of the world, what is the impact of humanitarian enclavism on its inhabitants’ fear of what, or who lies outside the gates?

Beneficiaries at the gates

Indeed, over the last ten years, there has been a significant increase in the perceived risk of “the field” so much so that the EC said that “the increased fear of attack can itself be considered a significant challenge in humanitarian agencies’ efforts to maintain the security and well being of personnel” (European Commission Humanitarian Aid Office, 2004b, 1).  This fear is amplified by the rapid turnover of these agencies which sees new recruits constantly arriving with little knowledge of their new posting beyond the security manual they’ve just received.  It is further exacerbated by the fact that so much of aid work is now done by short term experts or consultants who fly in and out and rarely venture far beyond conference rooms and the hotel bar.

Whether this fear is well-founded is a matter of debate.  Figures on aid worker fatalities are notoriously incomplete with no comprehensive records kept until approximately 1997.  An analysis of the most comprehensive study of aid worker fatalities found that when controlled for the six outlying contexts of Afghanistan, Darfur, and Somalia aid work has become marginally less dangerous for internationals since 2003 decreasing from 2.7 fatalities per 10,000 to 2.3.  However, it is worth noting that the figures were never that high to begin with. As a comparison – the UK rate of fatal or serious vehicle accidents for 2002 was 5.9 per 10,000.

It is not possible to say whether this decrease is the result of increased securitization.  However, there is no doubt that a security spiral is taking place, where fear leads to increased securitization leads to more fear.  Nor is this necessarily fear vis-à-vis the “other” – it may be fear of being punished for violating security regulations, as was the case for the security officers following the UN bombings in Algiers, Bagdad and now Kabul.  In may also be fear of losing staff – for example, in Darfur, the restrictions on staff mobility have led IOs to improve the quality and security of the compounds to entice staff to stay longer than a typical 6 month tour.  Perhaps most worrying is the implication that this has for  national staff, whose fatality rates have clearly and significantly risen in the last 10 years.  Either, the increased securitization campaign on the part of the international community is working for its internationals, and were it not in place we would be seeing similar increases in the rates of international casualties OR, and more likely, the increased securitization is resulting in increased use of remote management and outsourcing which transfers the risk to the very people that these agencies are supposed to be assisting.  I say more likely, because a closer look at the figures shows that the largest group of humanitarian targets are truck drivers. This would support the argument that the targeting of humanitarians needs to be seen primarily in terms of opportunism and predation.  This is also supported by post-mortem reports of Iraq and Algiers which show that in terms of real security, most humanitarian installations remain soft targets, and could be easily attacked – but aren’t.

More generally, the question needs to be asked as to how this security spiral is being translated into the conceived space of the humanitarian imaginary. In the context of aid policy it is often based upon “lessons learnt” or “best practice” collected from field offices around the world.  However, the previous observation that aid workers are increasingly limited in their lived space of the field raises the question of who’s lessons and what practices these reports are based upon. If they rely primarily on the “non-lieux” of the compound, on the flying visits of the consultants and experts, on the “field work under fire” this implies that the entire way of thinking about the humanitarian “problem” is fundamentally flawed and that our humanitarian imaginary is imaginary indeed.  Further the decline of lived or third space where new imaginaries may be developed,  while there is ,simultaneously, a rapacious demand from headquarters for demonstrable outputs encourages conclusions based on the severely restricted perceived space of the aid workers.

Two possible critiques of these observations of the significance of increased humanitarian enclavism need to be addressed.  First, there is the possibility that this is an extreme case that applies only to a small number of highly securitized environments.  Second that in any situation there will be social boundaries.  That is, even in the context of a geographically proximate location such as a city neighbourhood, there will be spatially distinct social groups.  Their perceived (or relational) spatial relationship to the same geographical area will be radically different dependent upon their unique spatial trajectories, their gender, ages, mode of transport, temporal demands (do they work the night shift, or work from home?), do they have pets or children which mean that they are aware of the local public spaces? What is their religion? Do they use the church or the mosque? Do they shop locally or drive to the superstores? Are they recent immigrants? Do they speak the language? In other words, spatial divisions are not restricted to the context of humanitarian intervention in dangerous places. They will occur in any area where distinct groups use the same space for different ends.

These divisions become problematic when a) the use of this space by one group of users impedes upon other users of the space in a way which is problematic for the second group (for example, the installation of bollards and set back in residential civic areas by the US government to ensure the safety of their embassy staff); b) and/or the perceived spatial experience of one group of users is influenced in a way that falsely or negatively constructs their view of other users of the space.

In the context of humanitarian intervention, this unequal use of space has been a constant feature of most interventions. Given the time frame, I’m not able to include a discussion on the impact of spatial divisions on the host community.  Some excellent work has already been done in the context of the social and economic impacts of peacekeeping missions on their surrounding communities – work that needs to continue. However, in taking this forward, there is the need to move beyond a positivist lens.[9] And while it may be impossible to move beyond the epistemological constraints of perceived space, it is possible to recognize it as a constitutive part of the aid experience not only in the context of increased securitization, but in the context of any humanitarian intervention.

To demonstrate this, I will now turn to two examples of how this has been the case with reference to two dominant tropes of international involvement in ‘the field’:  the SUV and the Grand Hotel.

Part III – Des espaces des autres

Sport utility vehicles

The white sport utility vehicle (SUV) has become a symbol of international humanitarian presence; in many countries better recognised than the symbol of the blue helmet of UN peacekeepers.  To humanitarian workers, it represents physical safety both in terms of its large frame and on–road visibility, and in terms of the protection that has historically been derived from its symbolic values of neutrality, impartiality, and universality.  However, to the Third World it has arguably come to represent the petroleum fueled inequality that has led to a situation where a self appointed few behave in a way which damages their surroundings and others.  More recently, the SUV may also be seen as a symbol of hybridity and the co–option, by local power brokers, of Western elite dominance.

While the white SUV has become a ubiquitous part of aid work, any theorization of how its material form is co-constitutive of the humanitarianism is sorely lacking.  The lack of reflexivity over its use is reflected in the absence of any history of why or how it has become the dominant mode of transport in the majority of humanitarian field operations.

Consider that in the late 1970s, Land Rover held 80 percent of the aid market (Wernle, 2000).  While this translated into merely 40,000 to 70,000 vehicle sales per year, their importance “goes far beyond the numbers” (Wernle, 2000).  As late as

the early 1980s, Land Rover was the vehicle of choice of aid organisations such as the United Nations, Oxfam and the Red Cross.  There was even an old saying that, for 70 percent of the world’s population, the first vehicle they saw was a Land Rover (Wernle, 2000).

By 2000, Land Rover’s share had fallen to just over five percent, with new entrants such as Toyota, Nissan, and Mitsubishi taking over Land Rover’s share (Wernle, 2000).

The form and design of the vehicle, however, has remained remarkably unchanged since the introduction of the iconic Defender model in 1948.  It is still a four by four, all terrain vehicle, based on model of a jeep (Campbell, 2005).  It has a  gross vehicle weight of approximately 3,500 kg, a strong, rigid chassis often with an integrated front grill and all terrain tyres.  It sits high off the ground and can pull a load equal to its own weight.[10]  In the context of humanitarian aid it is almost always painted all white, and bears the logo of the agency that owns it.  The jeep itself was developed in response to the requirements of troop movements during the Second World War (Campbell, 2005).  As the jeep’s heir, “[f]rom the outset then, the SUV has been marked by the military” (Campbell, 2005, 956).[11]  Nor has the potential of this history been lost on the marketing teams of Land Rover and its competitors.  Advertising and promotional material continues to emphasise the capacity of the SUV to protect its passengers from the dangers of the passing environment (Campbell, 2005; Glover, 2000; Bradsher, 2003).  In the original 1940s and 1950s development context, Land Rover did present one of the few vehicular options for development agencies to transport staff in areas with poor or sometimes non–existent roads.

Just as the vehicles are associated with safety and refuge (Glover, 2000, 364), they are also intentionally linked in their promotional material with ideas and images of adventure, individualism, and frontierism.  Speaking of SUV names (and therefore of marketing strategies), Glover says that a common theme is “the Western frontier, those most mythologised and culturally laden of times and places” (Glover, 2000, 362).  Likewise, according to Campbell, consumers of SUVs felt that through their purchase they expressed “a rugged individualism” emphasising their connection to untamed nature and the idea of the frontier (Campbell, 2005, 957).

This is significant for the context of humanitarianism in two ways.  First,  with regard to potential viewing audiences in the First World, the image of a brand such as Land Rover or the Toyoto Buffalo being used in humanitarian contexts will add to the appeal of their eventual purchase.  As quoted in Automotive News, a management consultant named Ken Slavin, being interviewed for a report on Land Rover said,

[w]hen you have disasters, you need 4x4s [sic.].  There’s nothing better for a 4×4 vehicle than to be seen with an emblem that says United Nations or Oxfam or the World Wildlife Federation.  That’s worth a whole lot of money to any manufacturer (Wernle, 2000).

This is supported by Koshar’s research which demonstrates that “a car’s notionally unique national qualities depend in part on how motoring nations from other nations regard it as both artifact and image once it travels, literally and figuratively across national borders” (Koshar, 2004, 123).[12]

The second way in which the association of the SUV with frontierism, rugged individualism, and adventure is significant is with regard to the aid workers who use them.  In so far as the aid workers can be seen to be part of the international community, and sharing a habitus of advanced stage capitalism in their countries of origin, they will have common symbols and mythologies.  Particularly with regard to OECD nationals, to step up, into a (white) Land Rover, is to simultaneously step into the myth of the First World aid worker assisting Third World populations in need.  Linking it to the tri-partite framework, to step into the Landrover will also influence the users perceived space of ‘the field’.

The experience of being inside a Land Rover, or inside an automobile more generally, has been the subject of sustained attention in the area of the phenomenology of car use (Sheller, 2004; Dant, 2004; Thrift, 2004).[13] These theorists look at how the experience of being in an automobile – either as a driver or a passenger – has affective, and ultimately epistemological and ontological impacts.  Work by Miller (2001) and Michaels (2001) has proposed the car as social–technical hybrid with driver and vehicle operating as a co–constitutive assemblage.  In line with Sheller (2004) I argue that the experience of being in a car, or in this case a Land Rover, “orient[s] us toward the material affordances of the world around us in particular ways and these orientations generate emotional geographies” (Sheller, 2004, 228).[14]  These emotional geographies (or in Lefebvre’s terms perceived and lived spaces), shape the way in which the aid worker see themselves in a place.

In the most basic of terms, it changes the experience that the aid worker has of the physical environment and climate.  Instead of being exposed to heat, rain, dust, the aid worker can ride along in a climate controlled environment.  Likewise, it changes the noisescapes of a place, enclosing the rider in a sonic envelope (Bull, 2004).  It may allow the passengers to move at a higher velocity than the majority of other people around them, introducing a level of inequality of movement, and possibly making movement for those on foot, bike, motorcycle, horse, or even lower, older cars more dangerous.  This may also introduce an affect of privilege and/or guilt for this inequality.

Work on the social impact of the SUV in America suggests that the rise of the sports utility vehicle parallels a model of citizenship that values safety and inviolability of person above all else (Mitchell, 2005; Campbell, 2005).  Similarly, the material practices of the international community may be seen to constitute an attempt at self–imposed exclusion from the wider neighbourhood, as well as the exclusion of others (Atkinson and Flint, 2004), reinforcing the observations from local residents that “the objectives of the international community are different from those of the community they are assisting.”[15] Just as the white Land Rover (or SUV) is associated with certain affective and symbolic resonances to the people who use it, it may evoke other, quite different things to those for whom it is meant to assist.

Globally, the SUV’s large petrol–guzzling body has increasingly become a symbol of the excess of the West and the exceptionalism with which the West is seen to regard itself.  The vehicle is also a constant reminder of the underlying economic driver of much global conflict: unequal access to oil.[16]  In El Fasher, Darfur, home to one of the UNAMID ‘supercamps’, the introduction of hundreds of humanitarian Land Cruisers (or Buffalos, in this context) has led to the streets being widened to avoid traffic jams.  The example of Darfur, also points the destabilisation of the myth of the SUV as safe haven.  As of August 2009, “due to a spate of carjackings” all Toyota Land Cruiser (Buffalo) vehicles have been withdrawn from use by UN personnel (UNAMID, 2009).  This phenomenon is not restricted to Darfur, and increasingly SUVs are seen as valuable both for their re–sale price and as fighting vehicles for rebel groups who would cut off the Buffalo’s top and attach a gun.[17]  The increased frequency of carjackings is forcing aid agencies to look to other, less conspicuous modes of travel, such as local taxi drivers and minibuses.  More dramatically, these trends are rendering car travel, as a mode of transport, effectively unusable outside of urban centres, and in Darfur, travel by helicopter between cities and towns, has become the norm for aid staff.  Nor is the co–option of vehicles restricted to SUVs.  In April 2007, the New York Times leaked a UN report that said the Sudanese government had been intentionally painting its planes white with UN insignia in order to ship arms to Darfur (Hoge, 2007).

What it is important to note, is that while carjackings have increased, they have not been associated with an increase in violent attacks against humanitarian workers.  In general, the transaction is a purely monetary operation, with the vehicle being taken away and the passengers returned unharmed.  However, returning to Latour’s idea of hybridity (Latour, 2005) and Miller’s  proposal of the car as an assemblage of worker and vehicle (Miller, 2001), any assault on a SUV is seen as an assault on the aid worker, and ultimately, on the larger humanitarian norms the vehicle has come to represent.  Rather than an assault on the hybrid form of the Land Rover/aid worker, the capture of the vehicle is a bid for what it embodies: wealth, excess, greed, military might.  It is a clear statement that what is wanted from the international humanitarian community is not their assistance, but their material assets and the associated power.  Nor can this desire be interpreted in a simple, linear manner, which sees rebels groups or government militia capturing humanitarian assets in order to replicate Western material modes of existence.  Rather, these actions need to be interpreted as a local response – a ‘making do’ – to the already, existing, structuring material space of humanitarian assistance informing “a new range of strategic military initiatives” (Hoffman, 2004, 212) in contemporary Third World conflict.

However, from within the perceived space of the Land Rover, and the humanitarian enclave these types of encounters tend to be read against the conceived global spaces of the war on terror, and the perceived targeting of aid workers in general.

The Grand Hotel

In the context of aid work, a second ubiquitous humanitarian space is that of the so-called, grand hotel (Denby, 1998; Sandoval-Strausz, 2007).  Technically, the term is used to refer to a large, luxury hotel, usually dating from the nineteenth century and having colonial heritage  (Henderson, 2001; Stewart, 1988).  But in the context of humanitarian work, it will usually refer to one or two large hotels in a given city or town which are used for the majority of diplomatic conferences, summits, press briefings, retreats, and negotiations.  They will often be left over from previous regimes such as British colonialists in Singapore  (Henderson, 2001), or the Portuguese in East Timor.  What makes it architecturally recognisable will be both the grandeur and scale of its physical form and its multi–functionality.  It will usually have bars, restaurants, conference halls, travel agents, shops, swimming pools, and health clubs.  And while these may not be well maintained, at some point they would have been the height of luxury in their respective milieus.  In the context of international humanitarian assistance, the grand hotel may be the only structure with adequate facilities from which to live and work.

The space of the grand hotel provides the setting for a remarkable number of political acts and performances.  Particularly in the context of humanitarian assistance, the space of the grand hotel is central to both formal, high politics, and to the politics of the everyday: the informal meetings, chance encounters, and daily rituals of both local political classes and visiting elites (de Certeau, 1988; Bourdieu, 1990; Vesely, 2004).  Not only is it implicated in local power structures and contestations, but, in the event of social and political collapse, it often provides sanctuary and enclosure for guests and local populations alike.  As a site of perceived inequality and amorality it may equally be the target of outrage, vandalism and violence (Sandoval-Strausz, 2007).  But despite its centrality to international political interactions and events, outside of cultural (Jameson, 1990) or tourism studies (Pritchard and Morgan, 2006) it remains largely unexamined.  Although its iconic or emblematic status is regularly invoked in the context of a particular conflict, with the sole example of Hoffman’s  radical ethnography of the Brookfields Hotel in Sierra Leone (Hoffman, 2005), I have come across no work within international relations or development studies that seriously engages with the object of the hotel and its central role in international humanitarian intervention.[18]  The present study begins this investigation, although it only provides an initial overview of a larger work on the topic, which is currently under preparation.[19]

In the context that aid workers can also be considered to fall into the related category of tourists or travellers, the hotel, as a temporary shelter, is a necessity.  In the literature of tourism and travel studies, this is the way in which the hotel is most commonly considered: as a networked space of flows (Castells, 2000); a transit space (Pritchard and Morgan, 2006); a non–space (Augé, 1995).  The necessity for frequent refurbishment, novelty, and (re)branding meant that high–end hotels also presented the opportunity for famous architects to experiment with ultra- (or post-) modern designs.  This arguably significantly influenced the framing of the object of the hotel in cultural theory (McNeill, 2008; Davis, 2006; Jameson, 1990).

While the 1990s theories on hyper–modernity and globalisation have since been amply critiqued for their hyperbolic claims regarding the ontology of a new age, certain aspects warrant a re–examination.  In particular, the much (ab)used work of Marc Augé deserves a second look.  Augé assigned the term non–lieux to

contemporary topographies characteristic of what he calls ‘supermodernity’ – namely those urban, peri–urban, and interurban spaces associated with transit and communication, designed to be passed through rather than appropriated, and retaining little or no trace of our passage as we negotiate them (O’Beirne, 2006, 38).

These ‘threshold spaces’ made up a significant part of the humanitarian field experience.  For Augé, these are not “just spaces to be analysed but manifestations and above all agents of a contemporary existential crisis, a crisis of relations to the other, and by extension a crisis of individual identity constituted through such relations” (O’Beirne, 2006, 38).[20]

This crisis of relations to others is particularly relevant in the context where the ‘other’ (or in the humanitarian context, the beneficiary) only makes select appearances within the non–space of the hotel: as subservient waiters, porters, maids, or prostitutes.  In the ethos of contemporary hotel management, staff should neither be seen nor heard, melting seamlessly into the décor, effectively erasing themselves from the interior landscape.  Katz claims that, in the context of twentieth century US and European hotel construction, hotels

came to resemble cities in microcosm, vertical cities housing laundries, valet services, barbers, gymnasiums, travel offices, drug stores, libraries [sic.], music rooms, baggage rooms, automobile fleets, libraries, swimming pools, clothing stores, banks, florists, gift shops, screening rooms, medical services, convention halls, newsstands, mail services, roof gardens, and ballrooms – to name only the respectable services that hotels provided.  Like the self–contained superblock, the privatized space of the metropolitan hotel could be said to have turned its back on the city (Katz, 1999, 137).

As claimed by Ibelings, while the 1950s and 1960s saw the global spread of these big, architecturally similar hotels (Ibelings, 1998),[21] many of which are still in use in the Third World capitals under discussion, by inhabiting these non–spaces, the international humanitarian community may be seen as turning its back on its constituents.  However, the nature of the work is such that the beneficiary is at the centre of the imaginary and if the beneficiary is absent, then s/he must be invented.  Inside the non–space, says Augé “[t]here is no room…for history unless it has been transformed into an element of spectacle” (Augé, 1995, 103): into a meeting, conference, or workshop where the problem can be distilled into so–called action points and plotted into a matrix.

The significance of the hotel as metaphoric stage for a wide range of humanitarian gatherings has been vastly under–emphasised.  As a touristic enclave, hotels are “‘purified’ spaces, which are strongly circumscribed and framed, wherein conformity to rules and adherence to centralized regulation hold sway” (Edensor, 2001, 6).[22] Moreover, the rules and regulation are geared towards the international clientele immediately creating a power–imbalance between those that are framing the discussions and those have been invited to attend.  As security becomes more of an issue for the international community and mobility increasingly restricted it is likely that the necessity of the hotel as a venue for conferences will not diminish in the near future.[23] Nor are the ‘performances’ necessarily restricted to official gatherings.

The hotel lobby has long been regarded as a key site of social, cosmopolitan interactions (Berger, 2005; Kracauer and Levin, 1995; Cocks, 2001) and in the context of the field its significance is amplified.  This is the place where local and international businessmen, journalists, politicians, aid workers all come to unwind and to interact (George, 2004; Courtemanche and Claxton, 2003; Minion, 2004).  Information is exchanged, alliances publicized, and rumours spread.  A further examination of the significance of these networks is undertaken elsewhere, but for the purposes of this chapter, I will now turn to how these non–spaces are seen by those outside the hotel.

As Tomlinson rightly points out, these non–spaces are only non–spaces from the perspective of the visiting travellers; for the hotel’s employees and the local residents they are real spaces (Tomlinson, 1999).   From an external perspective – that is, not only from a perspective of someone standing ‘outside’ but also from the perspective of someone who is not a user of these spaces – the grand hotel is important in a number of ways.  First, it may represent a space of opportunity: a place of potential employment; a locale to sell souvenirs;  or from which to offer taxi rides.  Second, it may be seen as a place of safety.  In the context of Hotel Timor, in Dili in 2008, one of the three internally displaced persons (IDPs) camps in the city had grown up outside the hotel’s front door.[24] To the IDPs, proximity to the hotel was thought to confer safety.[25]  Similarly in the context of the Serbian siege of Sarajevo, Martin Coward quotes from testimony before the US Congress in which gunners on the hillside overlooking Sarajevo apologized to BBC journalist, Kate Adie, for shelling the Holiday Inn where the foreign correspondents were known to live, “explaining that they had not meant to hit the hotel, but had been aiming at the roof of the National Museum next door” (Coward, 2002, 30).[26] During the 1994 Rwandan genocide, Hotel des Milles Collines became a refuge of last resort for internationals and Rwandan civilians alike as they attempted to barricade themselves against the Interhamwe’s machetes (Dallaire and Beardsley, 2003).[27]

The imagined safety of the hotel is the by–product of the association with not only international humanitarian law and humanitarian conventions, declarations, and resolutions but also because of the hotel’s association with inequality and privilege.  These same qualities can also make the hotel a target, as seen most recently with the bombing of the Taj Hotel in Mumbai (Biswas, 2008).  What is being attacked, precisely, is a matter of debate.  While it is sometimes seen as a direct targeting of the symbols of foreign interests (Wharton, 2001), it could just as likely be seen as the targeting of domestic political dealings (Donais, 2002), or in its embodiment of the  “essential common ground of togetherness” (Iveson, 2006, 80).[28]  A hotel may also be seen as the site of immoral or amoral behaviour, which also contributes to it being perceived as a predominantly masculine space.  More mundanely, as a high, often centrally located and well built structure, it may offer a valuable strategic acquisition from the perspective of local military actors.

In summary, the hotel contributes to the shaping of humanitarian relations in the field in myriad ways and deserves additional research attention.  In the context of this thesis, its impact is most noticeable in the way in which it shapes the perceptions and understanding of the local situation for the aid workers it houses.  For the people that pass through it, it is a temporary non–space, but for its host community, it is a part of everyday lived and perceived spaces.  Considered in tandem with the SUV and other material forms of humanitarianism, the hotel creates a material landscape of humanitarian intervention.  From the perspective of the internationals, this landscape is temporary, but from the perspective of local people, it has become the permanent topography of assistance.  The people in the hotel rooms, in the cars, in the offices will change but the built environment stays the same.  If anything is symbolised by the compounds, the cars, the planes, perhaps it is first and foremost the repetition of the ritual of assistance.  While the internationals each experience the field as a new, albeit enclosed, experience of the ‘other’, the material and spatial rituals of the interaction never change.

Conclusion

The preceding paper has looked at how a spatial approach to the field helps to theorize the relationships and identities that are formed through humanitarian intervention in its current material guise.  By looking at the humanitarian compound, the SUV and the grand hotel – all key material spaces of humanitarian intervention – it becomes clear that a crucial aspect of the Spatial Trilectic is being squeezed.  The absence of a mutually constituted ‘third space’ points to the problematic impact of increased securitization upon the way in which humanitarian policy is understood and formulated.  Nor is this restricted to the case of overt securitization.

In all three cases, the spatial modalities restrict or eliminate the possibility for a third or lived space but to differing degrees. While the example of the hotel seems to offer the potential for the most degree of lived space due to its openness and potentiality of hybrid spaces.  However, upon closer inspection, it becomes clear that the hybridity is a limited one, which although open to people beyond the aid community such as national or civic politicians and other local power brokers and stakeholders, remains firmly closed to beneficiaries of aid, who are left to be imagined and represented within its confines in the same way as within the compound and the SUV.   Arguably, it is the increasing elimination of the possibility of lived space that is contributing to a antagonistic spatial relationship at the field level, and ultimately, at the level of international policy.

It is important to point out what this paper is not advocating.  It is not calling for humanitarian workers to fling open their compounds and walk into the far–flung regions of the world to live at one with the ‘other’.  In fact, it implies the opposite.  Highlighting the material constraints, which are necessary for the practical application of contemporary humanitarianism to function, simultaneously identifies why humanitarianism is fundamentally flawed in its conception.  To go to another, to tell them what they need, and to do so from a position of superior material power, can only be a form of domination.  As long as the material power is so much superior as to be unassailable, so great as to be completely overwhelming, humanitarianism may be seen to function.  Those who are overpowered will accept what is being offered without question, without retort.  But as the power differential lessens and the mechanisms of control become visible, those being dominated may begin to exert their own desires, opinions, and approaches.  This implies that the current displays of material force and securitization by humanitarianism cannot be read as extensions of Western power, but rather as its absence.  The need to retreat to the compound – both figuratively and physically – implies that an urgent and fundamental rethink about the objectives and possibilities of humanitarian assistance is required.

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[1] While the first category maps clearly onto Lefebvre’ category of conceived space:  space as abstract, mappable, divisible and static, the other two categories are complements rather than substitutes for Lefebvre’s framework.

[2] There is an extensive literature on gated communities including those in the ‘developing world’. See the Special Issue of Housing Studies 20:2 (2005) and the special issue of Environment and Planning D: Society and Space. Within this literature there are well established debates regarding whether it is possible to speak of a universal form of gated community, and authors such as Atkinson and Blandy caution against making universalist claims that ignore local history and context. Atkinson, Rowland & Sarah Blandy. 2005. Introduction:  International Perspectives on the New Enclavism and the Rise of Gated Communities. Housing Studies, 20(2), March 177-86.

[3] Interview,  June 10, 2008, Banda Aceh.

[4] Interview.

[5] Interview.

[6] Interview.

[7] Interview.

[8] See also Blakely, Edward J. & Mary Gail Snyder. 1997. Fortress America : gated communities in the United States. (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press) ; Taylor, Ralph B. 1988. Human territorial functioning: an empirical, evolutionary perspective on individual and small group territorial cognitions, behaviors, and consequences. Environment and behavior series (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press) .

[9] The integration of lessons from the spatial turn could lead to a very different aid epistemology – one that moves away from cause and effect and moves toward a recognition of the mutually constitutive nature of humanitarianism.  Instead of thinking about aid as a factor that is introduced into a host nation that produces an outcome, which may be mitigated, there is the need to think about the humanitarian relationship, or condition as “always, already there”.  For example, work by anthropologist Danny Hoffman has looked at the way in which methods of warfare evolved in Liberia following UN intervention in Sierra Leone.  While initially the change in tactics were in response to the UN presence in Sierra Leone, they can no longer be understood within an international or humanitarian frame, but need to be understood in term of local contexts of meaning. They have evolved in ways which do not map onto local-international scales or according to pure humanitarian logics.

[11] See also Shapiro, Michael J. 1997. Violent cartographies: mapping cultures of war. (London: University of Minnesota Press) .

[12] See also Edensor, Tim. 2004. Automobility and National Identity: Representation, Geography and Driving Practice. Theory, Culture & Society, 21(4-5), 101-20.

[13] On ‘automobility’ and the sociology of mobility see Urry, John. 2007. Mobilities. (Cambridge: Polity) ; Featherstone, Mike. 2004. Automobilities: An Introduction. Theory, Culture & Society, 21(4-5), 1-24; Featherstone, Mike, N. J. Thrift & John Urry. 2005. Automobilities. (London: Sage) .

[14] See also work on the sociology of emotion Hochschild, A.R. 1983. The Managed Heart:  Commercialization of Human Feeling. (Berkeley: University of California Press) ; Hochschild, A.R. 1997. The Time Bind:  When Work Comes Home and Home Becomes Work. (New York: Metropolitan Books) ; Hochschild, A.R. 2003. The Commercialization of Intimate Life:  Notes from Home and Work. (Berkeley: University of California Press) ; Bendelow, G. & S. Williams. 1998. Emotions in Social Life:  Critical Themes and Contemporary Issues. (London: Routledge) ; Katz, J. 2000. How Emotions Work. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press) ; Goodwin, J, J Jasper & F Polletta. 2001. Passionate Politics:  Emotions and Social Movements. (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press) ; Ahmed, S. 2004. The Cultural Politics of Emotion. (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press)

[15] Interview, Banda Aceh, 19 December, 2007.

[16] And as much as the vehicles have become the target of displeasure with the international community, so too are they sought after by government ministries as a requirement of international assistance.

[17] Interview, August 13, 2009.

[18] Martin Coward deals with it obliquely in the context of his theory of “urbicide” Coward, Martin. 2002. Community as Heterogeneous Ensemble:  Mostar and Multiculturalism. Alternatives, 27(1), 29-38; Coward, Martin. 2009. Urbicide : the politics of urban destruction. (New York: Routledge) ; Coward, Martin Philip. 2001. Urbicide and the question of community in Bosnia-Herzegovina. [electronic resource]. (University of Newcastle upon Tyne).

[19] Smirl, Lisa. (In progress). Do not disturb:  the affective significance of the “grand hotel” in international politics. Journal of Architectural Theory and Practice, (Special Issue on Gated Communities).

[20] See also Augé, Marc. 1998. A sense for the other: the timeliness and relevance of anthropology. Mestizo spaces (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press) ; Augé, Marc. 1994. Pour une anthropologie des mondes contemporains. (Paris: Aubier)   De Certeau also used the term non–space, although with reference to the space of tactics. There is the potential for an interesting comparison between these two authors use of the concept de Certeau, Michel 1988. The practice of everyday life. trans. Steven Rendell (Berkeley: University of California Press)

[21] See also King, Anthony. 2004. Spaces of Global Cultures; Architecture, Urbanism, Identity Architext Series (London: Routledge) ; King, Anthony D. 1990. Urbanism, colonialism, and the world-economy: cultural and spatial foundations of the world urban system. International library of sociology (London: Routledge)  and Wharton, Annabel Jane. 2001. Building the Cold War: Hilton International hotels and modern architecture. (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago) .

[22] See also Sibley, D. 1988. Survey 13:  Purification of Space. Environment and Planning D:  Society and Space, 6, 409-21; Schmid, Karl Anthony. 2008. Doing ethnography of tourist enclaves: Boundaries, ironies, and insights. Tourist Studies, 8(1), April 1, 2008, 105-21.

[23] Likewise, the continued use of short-term consultants and experts guarantees their place within auxiliary space.

[24] The other two were outside the main hospital and across from the UN’s Main Base: Obrigado Barracks.

[25] It also potentially offered positive externalities like running water, or leftover food.

[26] Killing Memory:  The Targeting of Bosnia’s Cultural Heritage. 1995,  cited at http://www.h–net.org/people/editors/show.cgi?ID=124286 accessed on August 14, 2009.

[27] See also Harrow, Kenneth W. 2005. ‘Un train peut en cacher un “autre”‘: narrating the Rwandan genocide and Hotel Rwanda. Research in African Literatures, 36(4), 223-32; Hitchcott, Nicki. 2009. Travels in Inhumanity: Veronique Tadjo’s Tourism in Rwanda. French Cultural Studies, 20(2), May, 149-64.

[28] See also Coward. Community as Heterogeneous Ensemble:  Mostar and Multiculturalism. ; Coward. Urbicide : the politics of urban destruction.

Conflict, Security and Development

“Conflict, Security and Development” – MA core module, University of Sussex

Untitled

COURSE SUMMARY

Part I: Introduction to the CSD Nexus: policy oriented approaches/interpretations

Week 1: Introduction to CSD: Themes and Actors
• Overview of theories of CSD
• The ethics of researching CSD

Week 2: Diagnostics and analysis:
Case study and conflict mapping – Afghanistan

Week 3: Presentations & debrief; methodological and conceptual challenges

Part II: Interrogating causality

Week 4: When is a war (not) a war? Defining and understanding violence

Week 5: Identity as source of conflict? Case Study: Bosnia

Week 6: Economic sources of conflict? Case Study: West Africa

Part III: Considering the solutions

Week 7: Essay Preparation week

Week 8: Who’s responsibility to protect? Defining State Failure and Refining State- building Case study: East Timor

Week 9: Conflict is elsewhere the construction of the “third world”; and the changing dynamics of aid
Case Study: China in Africa

Week 10: “Security first” and the militarization of humanitarian assistance?
Case Study: Afghanistan in the context of British Development Policy

The aim of this course is threefold:
1. Examine the extent to which destructive cycles of insecurity and violence affect the possibility of development for large sections of the world’s population.
2. Investigate whether underdevelopment can be said to constitute a security threat. Some Western governments, for example, claim that underdevelopment in the global South could threaten their national security by facilitating the international spread of terrorist and criminal networks.
3. Analyze the difficulties that aid agencies, non-governmental organisations, governments, and international organizations encounter when trying to negotiate these spirals of violence and insecurity – be it through armed intervention, the provision of aid, the sponsoring of peace-building processes, or assisting states in post-conflict reconstruction.

The learning objectives are:
1. Provide students with an overview of contemporary perspectives on CSD;
2. Provide students with the theoretical and conceptual frameworks that will allow them to critique these approaches on process grounds;
3. Reposition current CSD debates within a wider, critical frame.

The course combines contemporary policy approaches and frameworks with a solid grounding in relevant, cross-disciplinary, social theory. Doing so allows students to both develop practical skills that will prepare them for a policy oriented career in the public or non-government sectors but also provide them with the opportunity to hone their critical abilities. Other skills that will be developed include:
• Presentation skills in weekly seminars
• Research skills through developing a presentation on a particular case study
• Team work through the development and presentation of the group project.
• Writing skills through composing an essay that requires them to read widely from the reading list and to synthesize the information for      the purposes of the essay
• Problem solving skills by exploring complex contemporary issues of conflict, security and development
• Reflective skills by critically evaluating and synthesizing competing conceptions and theories of security
• Information technology skills by suing word processing for the essay and seminar notes and on the internet to obtain further information on issues of conflict, security and development

Given the short time frame, certain topics could not be included such as security sector reform & demobilization; climate change as security threat; conflict prevention & resolution; natural disasters; peacekeeping; the privatization of humanitarian assistance; international humanitarian law; and many others. Many of these topics are covered in the various optional courses, including Complex Humanitarian Emergencies. If you are intent upon covering any of these (or related) topics within CSD, I am happy to work with you to develop a reading list and research agenda as part of your long essay (provided they are linked into the main themes of this course).

Coursework & Assessment

This work is cumulatively assessed as followed:

GROUP PRESENTATION – 25 %
DUE DATE: IN CLASS ON WEEK ASSIGNED
Students will be assigned to a group and week. They are required to present, as a group to the seminar on the case study of that week. The presentation must be prepared according to specifications in Annex 1. Marking criteria are also set out there.

ESSAY OUTLINE – FORMATIVE (PEER ASSESSED IN CLASS)
DUE DATE: IN CLASS WEEK 7
Prepared according to specification in Annex 2

FINAL ESSAY – 75 %
DUE DATE: Please refer to your Sussex Direct ‘Assessment Deadlines and Exam Timetable’.
5,000 word essay due at the beginning of Spring Term. Students may pick from one of the “Sample Essay Topics” listed in Annex 4, or may define their own question. The final essay must conform to the standards as laid out in the PG handbook as follows:

Term papers and dissertations should be word processed or typed on one side of paper only. They should conform to professional standards of punctuation, grammar and academic discourse. Clear references to sources and bibliography should be provided and all direct quotations should be clearly marked. Consequently, all students must be aware of the following definitions of collusion and plagiarism.

Collusion is the preparation or production of work for assessment jointly with another person or persons unless explicitly permitted by the examiners. An act of collusion is understood to encompass those who actively assist others as well as those who derive benefit from others’ work. Plagiarism is the use, without acknowledgement, of the intellectual work of other people, and the act of representing the ideas or discoveries of another as one’s own in written work submitted for assessment. To copy sentences, phrases or even striking expressions without acknowledgement of the source (either by inadequate citation or failure to indicate verbatim quotations), is plagiarism; to paraphrase without acknowledgement is likewise plagiarism. Where such copying or paraphrase has occurred the mere mention of the source in the bibliography shall not be deemed sufficient acknowledgement; each such instance must be referred specifically to its source, Verbatim quotations must be either in inverted commas, or indented, and directly acknowledged.

Format of essay:
I don’t have formal style requirements, but the following points are important.
• Please use clear 12 pt. font, double spaced, with adequate margins for all work.
• Please be consistent in your style (paragraphs, spelling, capitalisation). It all contributes to the overall impression and legibility of your argument.
• For informal work (presentations, etc.) please make sure your name is on the document itself.
• Proper referencing is essential both on grounds of avoiding plagiarism, and to support your argument. A consistent referencing style must be used throughout your submitted work. See http://www.sussex.ac.uk/library/infoplus/reference/introduction.html for more information. I don’t have a preference as long as it’s clear and consistent.

Submission of Essay:
The essay will need to be submitted to the School Office (C168) between 9:00 and 16:00 on January 10th, 2011. Students need to submit two copies of the essay, one with a green cover sheet for the first examiner and one with a blue cover sheet for the second examiner. The cover sheets will be available from the School Office in Week 10 of Autumn Term.

Feedback & Questions
I am happy to consider your evaluations of this course. Please raise any difficulties as they arise. You will be able to anonymously assess the course via Sussex Direct near the end of term and I ask that you take the time to fill in the questionnaire, as it is taken very seriously by the department, school and university. Your feedback is important.

Learning Methods
There will be a series of weekly seminars of 1h and 50 min duration. The seminars are designed to provide an overview of the course syllabus with commentary on the literature and are an opportunity to explore in depth particular issues and to engage in discussion in a small group context. Students will be expected to at a minimum read the “essential reading” which is included in the course pack and come to seminar armed with two or three questions/issues that the readings raised. Most importantly, students will also be expected to engage in continuous independent study, employing the reading list (below) to deepen their knowledge of the subject. In the second week of term we will be undertaking a mock “strategic conflict assessment”. Students are expected to prepare for this exercise as they would any other seminar and to fully participate. A debrief will be held in Week 3 at which point each team will present their SCA.

Use of Study Direct
Study Direct will be the primary mode of communication for the course. Information will be posted to the News discussion forum (and emailed to all course members) by the course convenor. Likewise, students are expected to post any relevant information such as presentations or handouts that they have produced to Study Direct as soon as possible (preferably prior to the class in question). Discussion groups will be set up by the course convenor for this purpose.

Office Hours
Are posted on my University website. Please use them.

Using the Library
Arrangements will be made so that important course texts will be made available in the library. Other useful texts that are not in the library’s normal collection will be made available where necessary. If material listed appears to have disappeared altogether or damaged please let the library staff know about this, and they will inform the course supervisor, so we can make alternative sources available wherever possible. Similarly if you cannot find any of the material listed, because it is out on loan, do search through the rest of the collection to find other relevant texts. The reading lists are deliberately extensive to allow you to consult other works if your first choice is not available. Remember also that the reading list does not exhaustively list all the available material in the library on a given subject. If you find anything particularly valuable let the course convenor know so that material can be added to subsequent years reading lists. You’re urged to take the time to familiarize yourselves with the library resources including electronic databases such as Web of Knowledge. In addition, the library has put together “subject pages” which may be of use. See, for example – http://www.sussex.ac.uk/library/subjects/international_relations.php for International Relations. You may also want to consult the Anthropology, Geography, Development Studies (forthcoming) or Politics pages. Google Scholar is another useful resource for locating articles, but be aware that there’s no quality control.

Useful Journals (Bold are highly recommended):
• Alternatives
• Civil Wars
• Community Development Journal
• Conflict
Conflict, Security and Development
• Development and Change
• Development in Practice
• Development Policy Review
• Disasters
• Ethics & International Affairs
• Ethnopolitics
• Global Governance
• Human Rights Quarterly
• IDS Bulletin
• International Affairs
• International Organization
• International Peacekeeping
International Security
Intervention and State Building
• Journal of Conflict Resolution
• Journal of Conflict, Security and Development
• Journal of Developmental Studies
• Journal of Humanitarian Assistance
• Journal of Human Development
• Journal of International Development
• Journal of Peacebuilding and Development
Journal of Peace Research
• Oxford Development Studies
• Progress in Development Studies
• Public Administration and Development
• Review of African Political Economy
• Review of International Political Economy
• Security and Development
• Security Dialogue
• Survival
Third World Quarterly
World Politics

Additionally, region-specific journals, such as Journal of Modern African Studies, etc., will carry articles relevant to the themes covered in this course and may be a good source for
case-study materials.

Useful Websites (please let me know of others you come across):
• Berghof Centre: http://www.berghof-center.org/std_page.php?LANG=e&id=13
• Centre for International Development and Conflict Management: http://www.cidcm.umd.edu/
• Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (Johannesburg): http://www.csvr.org.za/
• Centre for the Study of Violence, University of Sao Paulo: http://nevusp.org/english or another Brazilian site on public security: http://www.ucamcesec.com.br/
• Center on International Cooperation http://www.cic.nyu.edu/index.html
• Chronic Poverty Research Centre: http://www.chronicpoverty.org
• Clingendael Institute: http://www.clingendael.nl
• CMI: http://www.cmi.no/
• Department for International Development (DFID): http://www.dfid.gov.uk/
• Development Studies Association: http://www.devstud.org.uk/
• Global Facilitation Network for SSR: http://www.ssrnetwork.net
• Governance and Social Development Resource Center: http://www.grc-exchange.org/
• Human Rights Watch: http://www.hrw.org
• Human Development Reports: http://hdr.undp.org/en/
• Human Security Gateway http://www.humansecuritygateway.info/
• Human Security Report: http://www.humansecurityreport.info/
• Human Security Network: http://www.humansecuritynetwork.org/
• ID21: http://www.id21.org/
• Institute of Development Studies: http://www.ids.ac.uk
• International Alert: http://www.international-alert.org/
• International Crisis Group: http://www.crisisweb.org
• International Institute for the Environment and Development: http://www.iied.org/
• International Peace Institute (formerly Academy): http://www.ipacademy.org/
• IRIN: http://www.irinnews.org/
• MandE News: http://mande.co.uk/
• ODI: http://www.odi.org.uk
• OECD DAC: http://www.oecd.org/department/0,2688,en_2649_33721_1_1_1_1_1,00.html
• Oneworld: http://www.oneworld.net/
• Paris Declaration: http://www.aidharmonization.org/ah-overview/secondary-pages/editable?key=205
• Reality of Aid: http://www.realityofaid.org/
• Reliefweb: http://www.reliefweb.int/w/rwb.nsf
• Reuters Alert Net http://www.alertnet.org/
• Small Arms Survey http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/
• Stimson Center: http://www.stimson.org/pubs/
• The Correlates of War Project, University of Michigan: http://www.umich.edu/~cowproj/
• United States Institute of Peace: http://www.usip.org
• UNRISD: http://www.unrisd.org
• Uppsala Conflict Data Project: http://www.pcr.uu.se/research/UCDP/

See also the websites of the major International Organizations (UN, World Bank, IMF), bilateral agencies (CIDA, SIDA, USAID, JICA) and NGOs (Oxfam, Care, Save the Children…) as all will have CSD oriented programmes or thematic areas. For news, and news magazines and broadsheets see BBC News, The Economist, Financial Times, Guardian, Washington Post, and New York Times.

Background texts:
If you are considering buying any texts, I would highly recommend purchasing (and reading) Cramer, Christopher (2006) Civil War Is Not a Stupid Thing : Accounting for Violence in Developing Countries. London: Hurst & Co. It covers the themes of the course in a thorough and sophisticated manner and you will find it useful throughout the term. Other useful “overview” books and articles are listed below under “Additional Readings”.

Weiss, Thomas George; and Cindy Collins. (2000) Humanitarian Challenges and Intervention. Dilemmas in World Politics. 2nd ed. ed. Boulder, Colo. ; Oxford: Westview Press. provides a good overview of the humanitarian themes and you’ll notice that other books such as Kalyvas, Stathis N. (2006) The Logic of Violence in Civil War. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. come up in multiple weeks.

Kalyvas, Stathis N.,Ian Shapiro; and Tarek E. Masoud. (2008) Order, Conflict, and Violence. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. and Scheper-Hughes, Nancy; and Philippe I. Bourgois. (2004) Violence in War and Peace : Edited by Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Philippe Bourgois. Blackwell Readers in Anthropology. Oxford: Blackwell. are both thought provoking anthologies covering various aspects and concepts covered by the course.

Additional Readings:
Brahimi, Lakhdar. (2000) Report of the Panel on United National Peace Operations. New York: United Nations (DPKO).
Chesterman, Simon. (2001) Just War or Just Peace? : International Law and Humanitarian Intervention. Oxford Monographs in International Law. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Crocker, Chester A.,Fen Osler Hampson; and Pamela R. Aall. (2006) Leashing the Dogs of War : Conflict Management in a Divided World. Washington, D.C.: United States Institute of Peace Press.
Duffield, Mark R. (2001) Global Governance and the New Wars : The Merging of Development and Security. London ; New York: Zed Books.
———. (2007) Development, Security and Unending War : Governing the World of Peoples. Cambridge: Polity.
Hutchinson, John F. (1996) Champions of Charity : War and the Rise of the Red Cross. Boulder, Colo. ; Oxford: Westview.
Jackson, Robert. (2004) International Engagement in War-Torn Countries. Global Governance 10:21-36.
Jacoby, Tim. (2008) Understanding Conflict and Violence : Theoretical and Interdisciplinary Approaches. London: Routledge.
Kaldor, Mary. (2006) New & Old Wars. 2nd ed. ed. Cambridge: Polity.
Kalyvas, Stathis N. (2001) ‘New’ and ‘Old’ Civil Wars: A Valid Distinction? World Politics 54:99-118.
———. (2006) The Logic of Violence in Civil War. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Keen, David. (2008) Complex Emergencies. Cambridge: Polity.
Lepard, Brian D. (2002) Rethinking Humanitarian Intervention : A Fresh Approach Based on Fundamental Ethical Principles in International Law and World Religions. University Park, Pa.: Pennsylvania State University Press ; London : Eurospan.
Moyo, Dambisa. (2009) Dead Aid : Why Aid Is Not Working and How There Is Another Way for Africa. London: Allen Lane.
OECD DAC. (2008) Introduction and Chapter 1 In Resource Flows to Fragile and Conflict-Affected States, edited by OECD DAC. Paris: OECD DAC.
Paris, Roland. (2006) At War’s End: Building Peace after Civil Conflict. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Power, Samantha. (2008) Chasing the Flame : Sergio Vieira De Mello and the Fight to Save the World. London: Allen Lane.
Pugh, Michael. (2005) Peacekeeping and Critical Theory In Peace Operations and Global Order, edited by Alex J. and Paul Williams Bellamy, pp. 39-58. London and Oxford: Frank Cass and Routledge.
UN Secretary-General,, UN Secretary-General. 1992. An Agenda for Peace: Preventive Diplomacy, Peacemaking and Peace-Keeping.
Weiss, Thomas George; and Cindy Collins. (2000) Humanitarian Challenges and Intervention. Dilemmas in World Politics. 2nd ed. ed. Boulder, Colo. ; Oxford: Westview Press.
Welsh, Jennifer M. (2004) Humanitarian Intervention and International Relations. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Wheeler, Nicholas J. (2000) Saving Strangers : Humanitarian Intervention in International Society. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Part I: Introduction to the CSD Nexus and mainstream approaches/interpretations

The first part of the course is devoted to introducing students to the emergence of the CSD debate post-1990, and to provide them with a working understanding of current policy approaches from both a diagnostic and prescriptive perspective.

Week 1: Introduction to CSD: Themes and Actors
In this seminar, the various components of the course outline will be explained including coursework and assessment requirements. Following this, the themes and issues that form the basis for the course will be outlined. The central thesis of the course will be advanced: namely, that current policy and mainstream academic discussions of “Conflict, Security and Development” approach the topic from an overly narrow perspective, and fail to problematize its basic conceptual apparatus such as the “nation state”; “conflict” and “security” or to contextualize these concepts within a longer socio-historical narrative.

In this seminar, students will be introduced to the analytic modelling approach to conflict, security and development (CSD), as it emerged as the dominant policy perspective post-1990. You will be introduced to the Strategic Conflict Assessment to be used next week.

Guiding Questions:
• When did CSD emerge as a concept and how has it evolved?
• Who are the actors involved?

Essential Readings (in pack):
Berger, Mark T and Heloise Weber (2009) War, Peace and Progress: conflict, development, (in)security and violence in the 21st century Third World Quarterly 30 (1):1-16
Chandler, David. (2008) Review Article: Theorising the Shift from Security to Insecurity – Kaldor, Duffield and Furedi. Conflict, Security & Development 8:265-76.
Collier, Paul (2008) Chapter 2 from The Bottom Billion. New York: OUP
Duffield, Mark. (2001) Chapter 2 in Global Governance and the New Wars : The Merging of Development and Security. London: Zed (2001).
Mac Ginty, Roger; and Andrew Williams. (2009) Introduction In Conflict and Development, edited by Roger Mac Ginty and Andrew Williams. London: Routledge.

Additional Readings: (See also, Background Readings, above)
Chandler, David. (2008) Theorising the Shift from Security to Insecurity – Kaldor, Duffield, Furedi. Conflict, Security & Development 8:265-76.
Dower, Nigel. (1999) Development, Violence and Peace: A Conceptual Exploration. The European Journal of Development Research 11:44 – 64.
Edkins, Jenny. (2003) Humanitarianism, Humanity, Human. Journal of Human Rights 2:253-58.
Fox, Fiona. (2001) New Humanitarianism: Does It Provide a Moral Banner for the 21st Century Disasters 25:275-89.
Gasper, Des. (1999) Violence and Suffering, Responsibility and Choice: Issues in Ethics and Development. The European Journal of Development Research 11:1 – 22.
Kaldor, Mary. (2007) Chapter 3. In Human Security, edited by Mary Kaldor, pp. ix, 228 p. Cambridge: Polity.
Mills, Kurt. (2005) Neo-Humanitarianism: The Role of International Humanitarian Norms and Organizations in Contemporary Conflict. Global Governance 11:161-83.
OECD DAC. (2008) Introduction and Chapter 1 In Resource Flows to Fragile and Conflict-Affected States, edited by OECD DAC. Paris: OECD DAC.
Secretary General’s High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change. (2004) Secretary General’s High-Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change. New York: United Nations.
Tausig, M. (2004) Culture of Terror – Space of Death: Roger Casement’s Putumayo Report and the Explanation of Terror In Violence in War and Peace : Edited by Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Philippe Bourgois, edited by Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Philippe I. Bourgois, pp. xv, 496 p. Oxford: Blackwell.
UN Secretary-General,, UN Secretary-General. 1992. An Agenda for Peace: Preventive Diplomacy, Peacemaking and Peace-Keeping.
UN Secretary-General. 2005. In Larger Freedom: Towards Development, Security and Human Rights for All. United Nations
Wheeler, Nicholas J. (2000) Saving Strangers : Humanitarian Intervention in International Society. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Wood, William B. (1996) From Humanitarian Relief to Humanitarian Intervention: Victims, Interveners and Pillars. Political Geography 15:671-95.

Week 2: Diagnostics and analysis: Case study and conflict mapping – Afghanistan
Students will be broken up into small groups to do a Strategic Conflict Assessment on Afghanistan. Students will be given detailed instructions at the beginning of class. Students should prepare for this class by (a) familiarizing themselves with several of the “conflict assessment methodologies” listed below*, as well as with (b) the ongoing conflict situation in Afghanistan.

Essential Readings on Afghanistan
BBC. 2010. Country Profile: Afghanistan. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/south_asia/country_profiles/1162668.stm
CIA. 2010. The World Factbook: Afghanistan. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/af.html
International Crisis Group. 2010. Afghanistan.
http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/asia/south-asia/afghanistan.aspx

Essential Readings on Conflict Assessments
Governance and Social Development Resource Centre: Conflict Analysis Frameworks and Tools http://www.gsdrc.org/go/conflict/chapter-1-understanding-violent-conflict/conflict-analysis-framework-and-tools (on line) – have a look at the various approaches to analyzing conflict and choose one or two that you are most comfortable with to analyse in depth.

Additional Readings:
Bank, The World. (2009) Afghanistan: Data, Projects & Research.
DFID. (2007) Preventing Violent Conflict London: DFID.
———. (2009) Eliminating World Poverty: Building Our Common Future. London: DFID.
Felbab-Brown, Vanda. (2006) Kicking the Opium Habit? Afghanistan’s Drug Economy and Politics since the 1980s. Conflict, Security & Development 6.
Giustozzi, Antonio. (2007) War and Peace Economies of Afghanistan’s Strong Men. International Peacekeeping 14.
World Health Organisation. (2002) World Report on Violence and Health. edited by Etienne G Krug and et al. Geneva.

Week 3: Debrief and discussion of measurement and conceptual problems
During the first part of the seminar, each group will briefly present their SCA from the previous week, highlighting why they used a particular approach and the challenges that they faced using the methodology. It will introduce a discussion of the underlying assumptions of this approach to modelling conflict and discuss the implications that this had on the types of interventions that are proposed.

Part II: Interrogating Causality

The next three sessions (Weeks 4 through 6) examines the relationship between causal factors and conflict and violence, highlighting two common themes: identity and economics.

Week 4: When is a war (not) a war? Defining, measuring and understanding violence

This week considers the idea of conflict, and the commensurate idea of violence (and conversely peace).

Guiding Questions:
• How do we measure violence and conflict? What assumptions are made, and limits met? How is correlation established? Is there a spectrum of violence?
• What are the methodological and measurement issues encountered during field work? Is it realistic for agencies and researchers to try and ‘do no harm’?
• Is the violence that we are seeing somehow ‘new’?
• What is peace?

Essential Readings:

Suhrke, Astri and Ingrid Samset (2007) What’s in a Figure? Estimating Recurrence of Civil War. International Peacekeeping 14:195-203.
Collins, Randall “Micro and Macro causes of Violence” International Journal of Conflict and Violence 3(1) 2009: 9-22.
Kalyvas, Stathis N. (2001) ‘New’ and ‘Old’ Civil Wars: A Valid Distinction? World Politics 54:99-118.
Sambanis, Nicholas. (2004) What Is Civil War?: Conceptual and Empirical Complexities of an Operational Definition. Journal of Conflict Resolution 48:814-58.
Wood, Elisabeth Jean. (2006) The Ethical Challenges of Field Research in Conflict Zones. Qualitative Sociology 29.

Additional Resources:
Arendt, H. (1969) Reflections on Violence. Journal of International Affairs 23:1-35.
Barakat, S., M. Chard, T. Jacoby and W. Lume (2002) The Composite Approach: Research Design in the Context of War and Armed Conflict. Third World Quarterly 23:991-1003.
Blok, Anton. (2000) Chapter 1 – the Enigma of Senseless Violence. In Meanings of Violence : A Cross Cultural Perspective, edited by Go ran Aijmer and J. Abbink, pp. xvii, 220 p. Oxford: Berg.
Brennan, W. (1998) Aggression and Violence: Examining the Theories. Nursing Standard 12:36-38.
Browning, Christopher R. (1992) Ordinary Men : Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland. New York, NY: Aaron Asher Books.
Chomsky, Noam. (1967) The Legitimacy of Violence as a Political Act.
Collins, Randall. (2008) Violence : A Micro-Sociological Theory. Princeton, N.J. ; Woodstock: Princeton University Press.
Collins et al. A mini-forum on Violence in The British Journal of Sociology (2009) Vol. 30:3.
Courtney, Morgan (Lead), Hugh Riddell, John Ewers, Rebecca Linder, Craig Cohen. . (2005) In the Balance: Measuring Progress in Afghanistan. In Post-Conflict Reconstruction Project edited by Frederick Barton, Bathsheba Crocker (Co-Directors): CSIS.
Cramer, Christopher (2006) Chapters 2 & 3 in Civil War Is Not a Stupid Thing : Accounting for Violence in Developing Countries. London: Hurst & Co.
Csete, Joanne; and Juliane Kippenberg. (2002) The War within the War : Sexual Violence against Women and Girls in Eastern Congo. New York ; London: Human Rights Watch.
CSIS. (2004) Progress or Peril: Measuring Iraq’s Reconstruction In Post-Conflict Reconstruction Project, edited by Frederick Barton, Bathsheba Crocker (Co-Directors): Center for Strategic and International Studies.
Davenport, C; and B Ball. (2002) View to a Kill: Explaining the Implications of Source Selection in the Case of Guatemalan State Terror, 1977-1995. Journal of Conflict Resolution 46:427-51.
Dauphinee, Elizabeth (2007) Chapter 2 in The Ethics of Researching War. Manchester: Manchester University Press
Ehrenreich, Barbara. (1997) Blood Rites : Origins and History of the Passions of War. London: Virago.
Eldringham, Nigel. (2004) Accounting for Horror: Post Genocide Debates in Rwanda. Vancouver: Pluto Press.
Gilligan, James. (2000) Chapter 5 In Violence : Reflections on Our Deadliest Epidemic, edited by James Gilligan, p. 306 p. London: Jessica Kingsley.
Girard, Rene. (1996) Chapter 1 – 3 & 6. In The Girard Reader, edited by Rene Girard and James G. Williams, pp. xii,310p. New York: Crossroad.
Grossman, Dave. (1995) On Killing : The Psychological Cost of Learning to Kill in War and Society. Boston, Mass. ; London: Little, Brown.
Hanssen, Beatrice. (2000) On the Politics of Pure Means: Benjamin, Arendt, Foucault. In Critique of Violence : Between Poststructuralism and Critical Theory, edited by Beatrice Hanssen, pp. vi, 314 p. London: Routledge.
Hoffman, Danny. (2005) Warscape Ethnography in West Africa and the Anthropology Of “Events”. Anthropological Quarterly 78:315-27.
Holsti, K. J. (1996) The State, War, and the State of War. Cambridge Studies in International Relations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Hussein, Karim,James Sunberg; and David Seddon. (1999) Increasing Violent Conflict between Herders and Farmers in Africa: Claims and Evidence. Development Policy Review 11:397-418.
Jacoby, Tim. (2008) Understanding Conflict and Violence : Theoretical and Interdisciplinary Approaches. London: Routledge.
Kalyvas, Stathis N. (2004) “The Urban Bias in Research on Civil War” Security Studies Vol 13(3): 160-190.
Kalyvas, Stathis N.,Ian Shapiro; and Tarek E. Masoud. (2008) Introduction In Order, Conflict, and Violence, edited by Stathis N. Kalyvas, Ian Shapiro and Tarek E. Masoud, pp. xiii, 436 p. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Kassimeris, George. (2006) The Barbarisation of Warfare – a User’s Manual. In The Barbarisation of Warfare, pp. xii, 321 p. London: Hurst.
Keane, John. (1996) Reflections on Violence. London: Verso.
Kriger, Norma J. (2003) Guerrilla Veterans in Post-War Zimbabwe : Symbolic and Violent Politics, 1980-1987. African Studies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Leach, Fiona. (2006) Researching Gender Violence in Schools: Methodological and Ethical Considerations. World Development 34:1129-47.
Mawdsley, Emma; and Jonathan Rigg. (2002) A Survey of the World Development Reports I: Discursive Strategies. Progress in Development Studies 2:93-111.
Milgram, Stanley. (1974) Obedience to Authority: An Experimental View. London: Tavistock Publications.
Mitchell, Timothy. (2002) Rule of Experts : Egypt, Techno-Politics, Modernity – Chapter 5. Berkeley, Calif. ; London: University of California Press.
Nordstrom, Carolyn; and Antonius C. G. M. Robben. (1995) Fieldwork under Fire : Contemporary Studies of Violence and Survival. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Rubinstein, Robert A. (1998) Methodological Changes in the Ethnographic Study of Multilateral Peacekeeping. PoLAR: Political and Legal Anthropological Review 21:138.
Sartre, Jean Paul (1969) Preface. In The Wretched of the Earth, edited by Frantz Fanon and Constance Farrington, p. 255. Harmondsworth: Penguin.
Scheper-Hughes, Nancy; and Philippe I. Bourgois. (2004) Violence in War and Peace : Edited by Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Philippe Bourgois. Blackwell Readers in Anthropology. Oxford: Blackwell.
Shaw, Martin. (2000) The Contemporary Mode of Warfare? Mary Kaldor’s Theory of New Wars. Review of International Political Economy 7:171-80.
Smyth, Marie; and Gillian Robinson. (2001) Researching Violently Divided Societies : Ethical and Methodological Issues. Tokyo ; New York: United Nations University Press ; London : Pluto Press.
Tausig, M. (2004) Culture of Terror – Space of Death: Roger Casement’s Putumayo Report and the Explanation of Terror In Violence in War and Peace : Edited by Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Philippe Bourgois, edited by Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Philippe I. Bourgois, pp. xv, 496 p. Oxford: Blackwell.
Tilly, Charles. (2000) Introduction: Violence Viewed and Reviewed. Social Research 67.
Wallensteen, Peter; and Margareta Sollenberg. (1998) Armed Conflict and Regional Conflict Complexes, 1989-97. Journal of Peace Research 35:621-34.
World Bank/DSF. (2009) Aceh Conflict Monitoring Update. World Bank/Decentralization Support Facility.

Week 5. Identity as source of conflict?
Identity in its various forms – ethnicity, nationalism, race, religion – has frequently been considered as the leading cause of conflict and instability. This weeks looks at the various theories which propose that identity and violent conflict are linked and asks how and when this is so. It asks what is meant by “identity” and whether it is a fixed or constructed category, and whether this matters.

Guiding Questions:
• What role has identity played in theories of CSD?
• How has identity become a mobilizing factor in conflict, and more specifically terrorism?
• Is identity constructed?
• Has development practice constructed “the victim” as an identity?
• Is there a difference between religion and ethnicity?

Essential Readings:
Fearon, James D., D Laitin. (2000) Violence and the Social Construction of Ethnic Identity. International Organization 54.
Kalyvas, Stathis N. (2002) The Ontology of Political Violence: Action and Identity in Civil Wars. Perspectives on Politics 1:475-94.
Khotari, Ammina (2010) “The Framing of the Darfur Conflict in the New York Times:2003-2006” Journalism Studies Vol 11(2):209-224.
Stewart, Francis. (2009) Religion Versus Ethnicity as a Source of Mobilisation: Are There Differences? Oxford: CRISE.
Young, Crawford. (2003) Explaining the Conflict Potential of Ethnicity. In Contemporary Peacemaking, edited by John Darby, Roger MacGinty. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan

Case Study: Bosnia
To get you started see: Susan Woodward’s Balkan Tragedy; Mary Kaldor’s New and Old Wars (sections on Bosnia); Laura Silber and Alan Little’s Death of Yugoslavia.

Additional Readings:
African Rights. (1994) Rwanda : Death, Despair and Defiance. London: African Rights.
Anderson, Benedict R. O’G. (1991) Imagined Communities : Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. Rev. and extended ed. London: Verso.
Bennett, Christopher. (1995) Yugoslavia’s Bloody Collapse: Causes, Course and Consequence. New York: New York University Press.
Besancon, Marie L. (2005) Relative Resources: Inequality in Ethnic Wars, Revolutions and Genocides Journal of Peace Research 42.
Bhavnani, Ravi. (2006) Ethnic Norms and Interethnic Violence: Accounting for Mass Participation in the Rwandan Genocide. Journal of Peace Research 43:651-69.
Bowen, John. (1996) The Myth of Ethnic Conflict Journal of Democracy 7.
Burg, Steven L.; and Paul S. Shoup. (1999) The War in Bosnia-Herzegovina: Ethnic Conflict and International Intervention. Armonk: M.E. Sharp.
Campbell, David. (1998) Chapters 1 & 7. In National Deconstruction : Violence, Identity, and Justice in Bosnia, edited by David Campbell, pp. xv,304p. Minneapolis, Minn. ; London: University of Minneapolis Press.
Collett, Moya. (2006) Ivorian Identity Constructions: Ethnicity and Nationalism in the Prelude to Civil War. Nations and Nationalism 12.
Devare, Aparna. (2009) Secularizing Religion: Hindu Extremism as a Modernist Discourse. International Political Sociology 3:156-75.
Eldringham, Nigel. (2004) Accounting for Horror: Post Genocide Debates in Rwanda. Vancouver: Pluto Press.
Eller, J; and R Coughlan. (1993) The Poverty of Primordialism: The Demystification of Ethnic Attachments. Ethnic and Racial Studies 16.
Fearon, James D., D Laitin. (2000) Violence and the Social Construction of Ethnic Identity. International Organization 54.
Fearon, James D.; and David D. Laitin. (2003) Ethnicity, Insurgency, and Civil War. American Political Science Review 97:75-90.
Gurr, Ted Robert. (1993) Minorities at Risk : A Global View of Ethnopolitical Conflicts. Washington, D.C.: United States Institute of Peace Press.
Hoffman, Bruce. (2006) Inside Terrorism. Rev. and expanded ed. New York: Columbia University Press.
Huntington, S. P. (1993) The Clash of Civilizations? Foreign affairs 72:22-49.
Kaldor, Mary. (2007) Chapter 3. In Human Security, edited by Mary Kaldor, pp. ix, 228 p. Cambridge: Polity.
Kalyvas, Stathis N. (2001) ‘New’ and ‘Old’ Civil Wars: A Valid Distinction? World Politics 54:99-118.
Kaufman, Stuart J. (2001) Chapter 1 – Stories About Ethnic War and Chapter 2 – the Symbolic Politics of Ethnic War. In The Symbolic Politics of Ethnic War, edited by Stuart J. Kaufman. New York: Cornell University Press.
Lake, David A.; and Donald Rothchild. (1996) Containing Fear: The Origins and Management of Ethnic Conflict. International Security 21.
Mamdani, Mahmood. (2002) When Victims Become Killers : Colonialism, Nativism, and the Genocide in Rwanda. Princeton, N.J. ; Oxford: Princeton University Press.
Mann, Michael. (2005) Chapter 1 – the Argument In The Dark Side of Democracy : Explaining Ethnic Cleansing, edited by Michael Mann, pp. x, 580 p. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Mueller, John. (2000) The Banality of Ethnic War. International Security 25.
Sageman, Marc. (2008) Leaderless Jihad : Terror Networks in the Twenty-First Century. Philadelphia, Pa.: University of Pennsylvania Press ; Bristol : University Presses Marketing [distributor].
Tilly, Charles. (2003) The Politics of Collective Violence. Cambridge Studies in Contentious Politics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Turton, David. (1997) War and Ethnicity : Global Connections and Local Violence. Studies on the Nature of War. Rochester, N.Y.: University of Rochester Press.
Walker, Brian M. (2007) Ancient Enmities and Modern Conflict: History and Politics in Modern Ireland. Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 13.

Week 6. Economic sources of conflict?
The occurrence of violent conflict is often attributed to economic factors. This week provides a introduction to the various approaches to the topic. Specifically it looks at (i) natural resources as cause of conflict (ii) the political economy of war and (iii) globalization & trade as source of conflict. The majority of the focus will be on the first two, as we will return to the third in more depth in Part III of the course.

Guiding Questions:
• Do natural resources cause conflict? In scarcity or abundance? Is war a resource?
• What role does the “grey economy” play in conflict and peace?
• Is the “greed vs. grievance” framework useful?
• Do root causes matter?

Essential Readings:
Andreas, Peter. (2004) ‘The Clandestine Political Economy of War and Peace in Bosnia’ in International Studies Quarterly 48:29-51.
Cramer, Christopher (2006) Pp. 108-138 in Civil Wa r is not a Stupid Thing
Le Billon, Philippe. (2007) Geographies of War: Perspectives on ‘Resource Wars’. Geography Compass 1:163-82.
Murshed, Syed Mansoob and Mohammad Zulfan Tadjoeddin. (2009) ‘Revisiting the Greed and Grievance Explanations for Violent Conflict’ in Journal of International Development Vol 21:87-111.
Woodward, Susan L. (2007) “Do the Root Causes of Civil War Matter” Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding Vol 1(2): 143-170.

…and if you want to see where the controversy started Collier, Paul and Anke Hoeffler (2004) “Greed and Grievance in Civil War” OEP Vol.56:563-595.

Case Study: West Africa
To get started see…Will Reno’s Warlord Politics and African States; Collier et al.’s Understanding Civil War Volume 1: Africa (on order); Philippe LeBillon (2003) “The Political Ecology of War and Resource Exploitation” Studies in Political Economy Vol 70(Spring):59-95.

Additional Resources:
Aspinall, Edward. (2009) Combatants to Contractors: The Political Economy of Peace in Aceh. Indonesia 87:1-34.

Aspinall, Edward. (2007) The Construction of Grievance: Natural Resources and Identity in a Separatist Conflict. Journal of Conflict Resolution 51:950-72.
Ballentine, Karen; and Heiko Nitzschke. (2004) Profiting from Peace : Managing the Resource Dimensions of Civil War. Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner.
Bannon, Ian; and Paul Collier. (2003) Natural Resources and Violent Conflict : Options and Actions. Washington, D.C.: World Bank.
Berdal, Mats; and David Keen. (1997) Violence and Economic Agendas in Civil Wars. Millennium – Journal of International Studies 26.
Boas, Morton. (2001) Liberia and Sierra Leone – Deadringers? The Logic of Neo-Patrimonial Rule. Third World Quarterly 22.
Collier, Paul. (2000) Doing Well out of War: An Economic Perspective. In Greed and Grievance: Economic Agendas in Civil Wars, edited by Mats Berdal and David Malone. Boulder: Lynne Reinner.
Cramer, Christopher Dr. (2002) Homo Economicus Goes to War: Methodological Individualism, Rational Choice and the Political Economy of War. World Development 30.
Deudney, Daniel. (1990) The Case against Linking Environmental Degradation and National Security. Millennium – Journal of International Studies 19.
Diamond, Jared M. (2005) Collapse : How Societies Choose to Fail or Survive. London: Allen Lane.
Duffield, Mark. (1998) Post-Modern Conflict: Warlords, Post-Adjustment States and Private Protection. Civil Wars 1.
———. (2000) Globalization, Transborder Trade and War Economies. In Greed and Grievance : Economic Agendas in Civil Wars, edited by Mats R. Berdal and David M. Malone. Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner Publishers.
Felbab-Brown, Vanda. (2006) Kicking the Opium Habit? Afghanistan’s Drug Economy and Politics since the 1980s. Conflict, Security & Development 6.
Ferguson, James. (2005) Seeing Like an Oil Company: Space, Security, and Global Capital in Neoliberal Africa. American Anthropologist 107:377-82.
Giustozzi, Antonio. (2007) War and Peace Economies of Afghanistan’s Strong Men. International Peacekeeping 14.
Goodhand, Jonathan. (2003) Enduring Disorder and Persistent Poverty: A Review of the Linkages between War and Chronic Poverty. World Development 31.
Haugh, W.; and T. Ellingsen. (1998) Beyond Environmental Scarcity: Causal Pathways to Conflict. Journal of Peace Research 35.
Hirsch, John L. (2001) War in Sierra Leone. Survival 43.
Homer-Dixon, Thomas F. (1999) Environment, Scarcity, and Violence. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press.
———. (1999) Environmental Scarcity and Violence. Princeton University Press.
Kalyvas, Stathis N. (2001) ‘New’ and ‘Old’ Civil Wars: A Valid Distinction? World Politics 54:99-118.
Karl, Terry. (1997) Paradox of Plenty: Oil Booms and Petrol States. Berkeley: University of California.
Keen, David. (1997) A Rational Kind of Madness. Oxford Development Studies 25.
———. (2008) Chapters 2 & 3 In Complex Emergencies, edited by David Keen, pp. viii, 293 p. Cambridge: Polity.
Kolko, Gabriel. (1994) Century of War : Politics, Conflicts, and Society since 1914. New York: New Press.
Krueger, Alan B. (2008) What Makes a Terrorist : Economics and the Roots of Terrorism. Princeton, N.J. ; Woodstock: Princeton University Press.
Le Billon, Philippe. (2000) The Political Economy of War : What Relief Agencies Need to Know. London: Humanitarian Practice Network.
———. (2000) The Political Economy of War : An Annotated Bibliography. Overseas Development Institute, Humanitarian Policy Group.
———. (2001) Fuelling War or Buying Peace : The Role of Corruption in Conflicts. Wider Discussion Paper, 1609-5774. Helsinki: UNU World Institute for Development Economics Research.
———. (2005) Geopolitics of Resource Wars : Resource Dependence, Governance and Violence. Cass Studies in Geopolitics, 1466-7940. London: Frank Cass.
———. (2005) Fuelling War: Natural Resources and Armed Conflict. In Adelphi Papers. London: IISS.
Malaquias, Assis. (2001) Diamonds Are a Guerillas Best Friend: The Impact of Illicit Wealth on Insurgency Strategy. Third World Quarterly 22.
Marten, Kimberly. (2006-7) Warlordism in Comparative Perspective. International Security 31.
Nordstrom, Carolyn. (2004) Shadows of War : Violence, Power, and International Profiteering in the Twenty-First Century. California Series in Public Anthropology. Berkeley: University of California Press.
OECD DAC. (2008) Introduction and Chapter 1 In Resource Flows to Fragile and Conflict-Affected States, edited by OECD DAC. Paris: OECD DAC.
Regan, Patrick M. (2005) Green, Grievance and Mobilization in Civil Wars. Journal of Conflict Resolution 49.
Reno, William. (2000) Shadow States and the Political Economy of Civil Wars. In Greed and Grievance: Economic Agendas in Civil Wars, edited by Mats Berdal and David Malone. Boulder: Lynne Reiner.
Ross, Mark. (2004) How Does Natural Resource Wealth Influence Civil Wars? Evidence from 13 Cases. International Organization.
Ross, Michael L. (2004) What Do We Know About Natural Resources and Civil War. Journal of Peace Research 4.
Selby, Jan. (2003) Water, Power and Politics in the Middle East : The Other Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. Library of Modern Middle East Studies. London: I. B. Tauris.
———. (2005) The Geopolitics of Water in the Middle East: Fantasies and Realities. Third World Quarterly 26:329-49.
Sen, Amartya. (2008) Violence, Identity and Poverty. Journal of Peace Research 45.
Stewart, Frances; and E. V. K. Fitzgerald. (2001) War and Underdevelopment. Volume 1, the Economic and Social Consequences of Conflict. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Suhrke, Astri. (1994) Environmental Degradation and Populations Flows. Journal of International Affairs 47.
UNEP. (2007) Sudan: Post-Conflict Environmental Assessment
Vinci, Anthony. (2006) Greed-Grievance Reconsidered: The Role of Power and Survival in the Motivation of Armed Groups. Civil Wars 8.
Walter, Barbara F. (2004) Does Conflict Begat Conflict? Explaining Recurring Civil War. Journal of Peace Research 41.
Walton, John; and Seddon David. Free Markets & Food Riots. OXFORD: BLACKWELL (1994) P. 1-22.
Zack-Williams, Alfred B. (1999) Sierra Leone: The Political Economy of Civil War 1991-98. Third World Quarterly 20.

Week 7: Essay Preparation Workshop
This class will brief you on what is expected from your end of term essay, introduce you to common mistakes and give you peer-to-peer feedback on your essay outline. You will need to bring copies of your outline to class. Please read Annex 2 for details.

Part III: Considering the Solutions

This third part of the course steps back from the contemporary CSD problematique in order to interrogate its underlying assumptions regarding development, war, security, and international relations. It does so through an examination of 3 contemporary approaches to CSD.

Week 8. Who’s responsibility to protect? Defining State Failure and Refining State-building

Problems of violent conflict and insecurity are commonly blamed on the condition of the state in question be it “weak”, “failed” or “fragile”. This week looks at how the discourse of state failure has evolved, and with it, the practice of “statebuilding”. It examines what constitutes a “state” and how this differs from a nation; the ubiquity of “institution building” in international assistance and the associated ideas of “good” and “democratic” governance. It interrogates the emerging benchmarks such as elections and the underlying normative consensus of what constitutes a legitimate state.

Guiding questions:
• When has a state failed? According to whom?
• Should non-democratic governance arrangements be considered as legitimate? Whose responsibility is it to protect?
• Can state building be separated from peace building? From nation building? Can states be built or do they need to evolve?
• Do current theories of state-building underplay the historic role played by violence in the state building process?
• If it’s all about micro-politics, where is the room for the state?

Essential Reading:
Brooks, Rosa Ehrenreich (2005) “Failed States, or the State as Failure” University of Chicago Law Review Vol 72(4): 1159-1196.
Call, Charles T. (2010) “Beyond the ‘failed state’: Toward conceptual alternatives” EJIR Vol 20(10): 1-24.
Jackson, Robert. (1990) Chapter 1 in Quasi-States: Sovereignty, IR and the Third World Cambridge: CUP.
Paris, Roland. (2010) “Saving liberal peacebuilding” Review of International Studies Vol 36:337-365
Tilly, Charles. (1990) Chapter 4 in Coercion, Capital, and European States, A.D.990-1990. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.

Also have a look at
DFID. (2009) Building the State and Securing the Peace. London: DFID available at http://www.gsdrc.org/docs/open/CON64.pdf (accessed August 11, 2010)
International Coalition for the Responsibility to Protect at http://www.responsibilitytoprotect.org/ (accessed August 11, 2010)

Case Study: East Timor
To get you started see chapters in Jennifer Milliken’s State failure, collapse and reconstruction; Dominic Zaum’s The Sovereignty Paradox and Roland Paris’ At War’s End

Additional Readings:
Barnett, Michael. (1997) Bringing in the New World Order: Liberalism, Legitimacy and the United Nations. World Politics 49.
Barnett, Michael N.; and Raymond Duvall. (2005) Power in Global Governance. Cambridge Studies in International Relations: Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2005.
Beck, Ulrich. Neither Order nor Peace. Common Knowledge 11:1-11.
Call, Charles; and Vanessa Wyeth. (2008) Building States to Build Peace. Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner ; London : Eurospan [distributor].
Campbell, David. (1998) Chapters 1 & 7. In National Deconstruction : Violence, Identity, and Justice in Bosnia, edited by David Campbell, pp. xv,304p. Minneapolis, Minn. ; London: University of Minneapolis Press.
Carothers, Thomas. (2007) The Sequencing Fallacy. Journal of Democracy 18.
Chandler, David. (2006) Chapters 2 & 3 In Empire in Denial : The Politics of State-Building, edited by David Chandler, pp. xii, 221 p. London: Pluto.
Chesterman, Simon. (2004) Intro & Chapter 4 In You, the People : The United Nations, Transitional Administration, and State-Building. Simon Chesterman, edited by Simon Chesterman, pp. xx, 296 p. Oxford ; New York: Oxford University Press.
Chetail, Vincent. (2009) Post-Conflict Peacebuilding : A Lexicon. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Collier, Paul. (2009) Wars, Guns, and Votes : Democracy in Dangerous Places. London: Bodley Head.
Debrix, Francois. (1999) Re-Envisioning Peacekeeping : The United Nations and the Mobilization of Ideology. Borderlines. Minneapolis, Minn. ; London: University of Minnesota Press.
Dobbins, James. (2004) The U.N.’S Role in Nation Building: From the Belgium Congo to Iraq. Survival 46:81-102.
Englebert, Pierre; and Denis M. Tull. (2008) Postconflict Reconstruction in Africa: Flawed Ideas About Failed States. International Security 32:106-39.
Finkelstein, Lawrence S. (1995) What Is Global Governance? . Global Governance 1.
Hay, Colin, Michale Lister, David Marsh. (2006) The State: Theories and Issues. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Hurd, Ian. (1999) Legitimacy and Authority in International Politics. International Organization 53.
International Crisis Group. 2008. Crisis Group, the Responsibility to Protect (R2p),
and Sri Lanka. http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=5421
Jackson, Robert. (2004) International Engagement in War-Torn Countries. Global Governance 10:21-36.
Jahn, Beate. (2007) The Tragedy of Liberal Diplomacy: Democratization, Intervention, Statebuilding (Part I). Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding 1:87-106.
———. (2007) The Tragedy of Liberal Diplomacy: Democratization, Intervention, Statebuilding (Part Ii). Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding 1:211-29.
Jones, Branwen Gruffydd (2008) “The Global Political Economy of Social Crisis: Towards a critique of the ‘failed state’ ideology” Review of International Political Economy Vol. 15(2):180-205l.
Kant, Immanuel. (1990) Perpetual Peace: A Philosophical Sketch. In Political Writings, edited by Immanuel Kant and Hans Reiss, p. [288] p. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Kaplan, Seth (2010) “Rethinking State-building in a Failed State” The Washington Quarterly Vol 33(1):81-97.
Latour, Bruno. Whose Cosmos, Which Cosmopolitics? Common Knowledge 10:450-62.
Le Billion, Philippe (2008) “Corrupting Peace? Peacebuilding and Post-conflict Corruption” International Peacekeeping Vol 15(3):344-361
Milliken, Jennifer. (2003) State Failure, Collapse and Reconstruction. Development and Change Book Series. Oxford: Blackwell.
OECD DAC. (2007) Principles for Good International Engagement in Fragile States and Situations. Paris: OECD DAC.
———. (2008) Introduction and Chapter 1 In Resource Flows to Fragile and Conflict-Affected States, edited by OECD DAC. Paris: OECD DAC.
———. (2009) Preventing Violence, War and State Collapse: The Future of Conflict Early Warning and Response.
Paris, Roland. (2000) Broadening the Study of Peace Operations. International Studies Review 2:27-44.
———. (2006) At War’s End: Building Peace after Civil Conflict. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Pouligny, Béatrice,Simon Chesterman; and Albrecht Schnabel. (2007) After Mass Crime : Rebuilding States and Communities. Tokyo: United Nations University Press.
Reno, William. (2004) The Privitization of Sovereignty and the Survival of Weak States In Privatizing the States, edited by Beatrice Hibou. London: Hirst.
Richmond, Oliver P. (2008) “Reclaiming Peace in International Relations” Millennium Vol 36:439-470.
Richmond, Oliver P. and Jason Franks (2009) Liberal Peace Transitions: Between Statebuilding and Peacebuilding. Edinburgh: EUP. (good case studies – book is on order)
Roodman, David. (2007) Macro Aid Effectiveness Research: A Guide for the Perplexed. In Working Paper: Center for Global Development.
Rotberg, Robert I. (2002) “The new nature of the nation state discourse” Washington Quarterly Vol. 25(3).
Smillie, Ian. (1997) NGOs and Development Assistance: A Change in Mind-Set? Third World Quarterly 18:563-77.
Trudeau, Dan and Luisa Veronais (2009) “Enacting State Restructuring: NGOs as ‘translation mechanisms’ EPD: Society and Space Vol 27(6):1117-1134.
Vincent, Andrew. (1987) Theories of the State. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.
Walls, Michael (2009) “The Emergence of a Somali State: Building Peace From Civil War in Somaliland” in African Affairs pp. 1-19.
Zizek, Slavoj. (2008) Chapter 5 – Tolerance as an Ideological Category. In Violence, edited by Slavoj Zizek. London: Profile Books

Week 9: Conflict is elsewhere – the construction of the “third world”; and the changing dynamics of aid

This week looks at the construction of geographical and functional categories associated with the practice of “international development assistance”. In particular it draws upon post-colonial critiques of the construction of the “third world” and frameworks and campaigns such as “structural adjustment”, “poverty eradication”, the “Millennium Development Goals” as conditions which are external and “Other” to a developed Global North. It examines how these paradigms are(n)’t being challenging by the rise of so-called ‘emerging donors’

Guiding Questions:
• What is the “third world” and how is it constructed? How has it, in turn constructed the “First World”
• Is CSD a “North-South” issue? How is this changing?
• What does the behaviour of ‘emerging donors’ tell us about the nature of development cooperation?
• What place do conflict and security concerns play in the ‘emerging donors’ agenda.

Essential Readings:
Adelman, Carol (2009) “Global Philanthropy and Remittances: Reinventing Foreign Aid” Brown Journal of World Affairs Vol 15(2):23-33.
Ayoob, Mohammed. (2004) Third World Perspectives on Humanitarian Intervention and International Administration. Global Governance 10:99-118.
Escobar, Arturo. (1994) Chapter 2 in Encountering Development : The Making and Unmaking of the Third World. Princeton Studies in Culture/Power/History. Princeton, N.J. ; Chichester: Princeton University Press.
Kapoor, Ilan (2008) Chapter 5 in The Postcolonial Politics of Development Oxon: Routledge.

PLUS two of the following depending on your interest:
Mawsdley, Emma and Gerard McCann (2010) “The Elephant in the Corner? Reviewing India-Africa Relations in the New Millennium” Geography Compass Vol 4(2):81-93
Raposo, Pedro Amakasu and David M. Potter (2010) “Chinese and Japanese development co-operation: South-South, North-South, or what?” Journal of Contemporary African Studies Vol 28(2):177-202.
White, Lyal (2010) “Understanding Brazil’s new drive for Africa” South African Journal of International Affairs Vol 17(2):221-242

Case Study: China in Africa
To get you started read Brautigam, Deborah (2010) China, Africa and the International Aid Architecture ABD Working Paper Series No. 107; Alden, Chris (2005) “China in Africa” Survival Vol. 47(3):147-164.; Brautigam, Deborah (2009) The dragon’s gift the real story of China in Africa Oxford: OUP.

Additional Readings:
Alesina, Alberto; and David Dollar. (2000) Who Gives Foreign Aid to Whom and Why? Journal of Economic Growth 5:33-63.
Alden, Chris (2005) “China in Africa” Survival Vol. 47(3):147-164.
Ayoob, Mohammed. (1995) The Third World Security Predicament : State Making, Regional Conflict, and the International System. Emerging Global Issues. Boulder, Colo. ; London: Lynne Rienner.
Bankoff, Gregory. (2001) Rendering the World Unsafe: ‘Vulnerability’ as Western Discourse. Disasters 25:19-35.
Brautigam, Deborah (2010) China, Africa and the International Aid Architecture ABD Working Paper Series No. 107
Brautigam, Deborah (2009) The dragon’s gift the real story of China in Africa Oxford: OUP.
Brenner, N. (1998) Between Fixity and Motion: Accumulation, Territorial Organization, and the Historical Geography of Spatial Scales. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 16:459-81.
Cole, Alyson Manda. (2007) The Cult of True Victimhood : From the War on Welfare to the War on Terror. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press.
Dahlman, Carl and Gerard Toal. (2005) Broken Bosnia: The Localization of Geopolitics of Displacement and Return in Two Bosnian Places. Annals of the Association of American Geographers 95:644-62.
Doty, Roxanne Lynn. (1996) Imperial Encounters : The Politics of Representation in North-South Relations. Borderlines. Minneapolis ; London: University of Minnesota Press.
Duvall, S. (2007) “Ambassador Mom”: Angelina Jolie, Celebrity Activism, and Institutional Power. In Annual Meeting of the International Communication Association. San Francisco, CA.
Edkins, Jenny. (2000) Sovereign Power, Zones of Indistinction and the Camp. Alternatives 25:3-25.
Elden, Stuart. (2006) Spaces of Humanitarian Exception. Geografiska Annaler, Series B 88:477-85.
Fanon, Frantz; and Constance Farrington. (1969) The Wretched of the Earth. Penguin Books ; No. 2674. Reprinted ed. Harmondsworth: Penguin.
Ferguson, James. (2006) Global Shadows : Africa in the Neoliberal World Order. Durham, N.C. ; London: Duke University Press ;.
Ferguson, James and Akhil Gupta. (2005) Chapter 4 – Spatializing States. In Anthropologies of Modernity edited by Jonathan Xavier Inda. Oxford: Blackwell.
Hinton, Alexander Laban; and Kevin Lewis O’Neill. (2009) Genocide : Truth, Memory, and Representation. Durham [NC] ; London: Duke University Press.
Hodge, Joseph Morgan. (2007) Triumph of the Expert : Agrarian Doctrines of Development and the Legacies of British Colonialism. Ohio University Press Series in Ecology and History. Athens: Ohio University Press.
Hughes, Caroline; and Vanessa Pupavac. (2005) Framing Post-Conflict Societies: International Pathologisation of Cambodia and the Post-Yugoslav States. Third World Quarterly 26:873-89.
Hughes, Rachel. (2007) Through the Looking Blast: Geopolitics and Visual Culture. Geography Compass 1:976-94.
Hyndman, Jennifer. (2000) Managing Displacement : Refugees and the Politics of Humanitarianism. Minneapolis ; London: University of Minnesota Press.
Inayatullah, Naeem and David L. Blaney. (2004) International Relations and the Problem of Difference. New York: Routledge.
Jeffrey, Alex. (2007) The Geopolitical Framing of Localized Struggles: NGOs in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Development and Change 38:251-74.
Kothari, U. (2005) Authority and Expertise: The Professionalisation and the Ordering of Dissent. Antipode:425-46.
Kothari, Uma. (2006) Spatial Practices and Imaginaries: Experiences of Colonial Officers and Development Professionals. Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography 27:235-53.
Lambert, David and Alan Lester. (2004) Geographies of Colonial Philanthropy. Progress in Human Geography 28:320-41.
Landau, Loren B. (2006) Immigration and the State of Exception: Security and Sovereignty in East and Southern Africa. Millennium – Journal of International Studies 34:325-48.
Low, Setha M. (2001) The Edge and the Center: Gated Communities and the Discourse of Urban Fear. American Anthropologist 103:45-58.
Mabee, Bryan. (2009) Chapter 5. In The Globalization of Security : State Power, Security Provision and Legitimacy, edited by Bryan Mabee, pp. viii, 205 p. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
Malkki, Liisa H. (1996) Speechless Emissaries: Refugees, Humanitarianism, and Dehistoricization. Cultural Anthropology 11:377-404.
Mamdani, Mahmood. (2007) The Politics of Naming: Genocide, Civil War, Insurgency. In London Review of Books. London.
McKinnon, Katharine. (2007) Postdevelopment, Professionalism, and the Politics of Participation. Annals of the Association of American Geographers 97:772-85.
McQueen, Carol (2005) Humanitarian Intervention and Safety Zones: Iraq, Bosnia, and Rwanda. Rethinking Peace and Conflict Studies Palgrave Macmillan.
Mitchell, Timothy. (2002) Rule of Experts : Egypt, Techno-Politics, Modernity. Berkeley, Calif. ; London: University of California Press.
Moeller, Susan D. (1999) Compassion Fatigue : How the Media Sell Disease, Famine, War, and Death. New York ; London: Routledge.
Moulin, Carolina, and Peter Nyers. (2007) “We Live in a Country of UNHCR” – Refugee Protests and Global Political Society. International Political Sociology 1:357-72.
Perkins, Richard and; and Eric Neumayer. (2008) Extra-Territorial Interventions in Conflict Spaces: Explaining the Geographies of Post-Cold War Peacekeeping. Political Geography.
Rozario, Kevin. (2003) “Delicious Horrors”: Mass Culture, the Red Cross, and the Appeal of Modern American Humanitarianism. American Quarterly 55:417.
Said, Edward W. (1995)Orientalism. Penguin History. Repr. with a new afterword. ed. London: Penguin.
Scott, David. (2005) Chapter 1 – Colonial Governmentality. In Anthropologies of Modernity edited by Jonathan Xavier Inda. Oxford: Blackwell.
Scott, James C. (1985) Weapons of the Weak : Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance. New Haven ; London: Yale University Press.
Selby, J. (2002) Dressing up Domination As “Cooperation”: The Case of Israeli-Palestinian Water Relations. Review of International Studies 29:121-38.
Slater, David. (1997) Geopolitical Imaginations across the North-South Divide: Issues of Difference, Development and Power. Political Geography 16:631-53.
Smillie, Ian. (2001) Patronage or Partnership : Local Capacity Building in Humanitarian Crises. Bloomfield, Conn.: Kumarian Dress.
Sylvester, Christine. (2006) Bare Life as a Development/Post-Colonial Problematic. The Geographic Journal 172:66-77.
Wacquant, Loic J. D. (2008) Urban Outcasts : A Comparative Sociology of Advanced Marginality. Cambridge: Polity.
Walker, RBJ. (1997) The Subject of Security. In Critical Security Studies : Concepts and Cases, edited by Keith Krause and Michael C. Williams, pp. xxiv, 379p. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.

Week 10: Aid as part of the problem?
From humanitarian assistance to peace-keeping to development and financial assistance, international aid is presented as the solution to underdevelopment, conflict and insecurity. However increasingly, aid is seen as problematic for a series of reasons. As we have seen, at the macro level, the structures of international assistance may be seen as both creating and reinforcing power imbalances between the Global North and South. At the micro level, the resource of aid and its various externalities may contribute to changing the societal dynamic in a way which increases the propensity for conflict or protracts existing ones.

This week will review these arguments and look at recent trends in CSD which have seen the introduction and evolution of development to incorporate security concerns. On the one hand, the “human security agenda” has expanded the idea of “security” into traditionally non-securitized aspects of assistance such as poverty reduction and education. Simultaneously, on the other hand, the expansion of military operations into areas such as rural reconstruction in Afghanistan and the increased use of civil-military partnerships has brought military actors into the domain traditionally occupied by aid agencies. This week looks at these trends and asks what is the future of CSD? It brings our discussions full circle by examining the approaches to counter-insurgency currently being used by Western forces in Afghanistan – methods which are strikingly similar to those which have been used by development practitioners over the last two decades.

Guiding Questions:
• What is the Human Security Agenda? Has it changed development assistance?
• Have understandings of security changed over the last century? For whom?
• Can humanitarian and military organizations work together? Does it affect the safety of aid workers?
• Does the provision of aid make conflict/insecurity more or less likely in a given society? How so?
• How does the organizational culture/approaches of humanitarianism frame discussions of CSD and effect outcomes?

Essential Readings:
Anderson, Mary B. (1999) Chapter 5 in Do No Harm : How Aid Can Support Peace–or War, edited by Mary B. Anderson. Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner Publishers.
Duffield, Mark R. (2007) Chapter 5 – Human Security and Global Danger In Development, Security and Unending War : Governing the World of Peoples, edited by Mark R. Duffield, pp. xii, 266 p. Cambridge: Polity.
Easterly, William. (2002) The Cartel of Good Intentions: The Problem of Bureaucracy in Foreign Aid Policy Reform 5:223-50.
Fast, Larissa A. (2010) “Mind the Gap: Documenting and explaining violence against aid workers” EJIR Vol 20(10):1-25.
Lischer, Sarah Kenyon. (2007) Military Intervention and the Humanitarian “Force Multiplier”. Global Governance 13:99-118.
Marriage, Zoe (2010) “Congo Co: aid and security” Conflict, Security and Development Vol 10(3):353-377

Case Study: Afghanistan in the context of British Development Policy
Have a look at news reports and websites such as The UK’s Stabilisation Unit http://www.stabilisationunit.gov.uk/ and statements by DFID and the Ministry of Defense.

Additional Readings (policy documents):
Human Security Center. 2005. Human Security Report 2005: War and Peace in the 21st Century http://www.humansecurityreport.org/index.php?option=content&task=view&id=28&Itemid=63
The UK Approach to Stabilisation (2008) UK Stabilisation Unit http://www.stabilisationunit.gov.uk/index.php/about-us/key-documents/62-stabilisation-guides/105-stabilisation-guidance-note-executive-summary (accessed August 11, 2010)
UNDP Human Security Report (1994) http://hdr.undp.org/en/reports/global/hdr1994/chapters/ (accessed August 12, 2010)
US Army (2006) Counterinsurgency. http://www.usgcoin.org/library/doctrine/COIN-FM3-24.pdf

Additional Readings (on the problems with aid):
Andreas, Peter (2009) “Symbiosis Between Peace Operations and Illicit Business in Bosnia” International Peacekeeping Vol. 16(1):33-46.
Bebbington, A.; and U. Kothari. (2006) Transnational Development Networks. Environment and Planning A 38:849-66.
Berrios, Ruben. (2000) Contracting for Development : The Role of for-Profit Contractors in U.S. Foreign Development Assistance. Westport, Conn: Praeger.
Brinkley, Joel. April 8, 2006 “Give Rebuilding Lower Priority in Future Wars”. New York Times.
Campbell, David. (1999) Apartheid Cartography: The Political Anthropology and Spatial Effects of International Diplomacy in Bosnia. Political Geography 18:395-435.
Carnahan, Michael,William Durch; and Scott Gilmore. (2006) Economic Impact of Peacekeeping. Peace Dividend Trust.
Cooley, Alexander; and James Ron. (2002) The NGO Scramble: Organizational Insecurity and the Political Economy of Transnational Action. International Security 27:5-39.
Cronin, Bruce; and Ian Hurd. (2008) The UN Security Council and the Politics of International Authority. Security and Governance. London: Routledge.
CSIS, Association of the US Army (2002) Post-Conflict Reconstruction Task Framework. CSIS and Association of the US Army
Drury, A. Cooper,Richard Stuart Olson; and Douglas A. Van Belle. (2005) The Politics of Humanitarian Aid: U.S. Foreign Disaster Assistance, 1964 – 1995. Journal of Politics 67:454-73.
Easterly, William Russell. (2006) The White Man’s Burden : Why the West’s Efforts to Aid the Rest Have Done So Much Ill and So Little Good. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Eide, Espen Barth,Anja Therese Kaspersen,Randolph C. Kent; and Karen von Hippel. (2005) Report on Integrated Missions: Practical Perspectives and Recommendations
Feinstein International Famine Center, and International Alert. (2001) The Politicisation of Humanitarian Action and Staff Security: The Use of Private Security Companies by Humanitarian Agencies. In The Politicisation of Humanitarian Action and Staff Security: The Use of Private Security Companies by Humanitarian Agencies. Tufts University, Boston.
Ghosh, Amitav. (1994) The Global Reservation: Notes toward an Ethnography of International Peacekeeping. Cultural Anthropology 9:412-22.
Harmer, Adele; and Lin Cotterrell. (2005) Diversity in Donorship: The Changing Landscape of Official Humanitarian Aid. London: Overseas Development Institute.
Higate, Paul. (2007) Peacekeepers, Masculinities, and Sexual Exploitation. Men and Masculinities 10:99-119.
Higate, Paul; and Marsha Henry. (2004) Engendering (in)Security in Peace Support Operations. Security Dialogue 35:481-98.
Hoffman, Danny. (2004) The Civilian Target in Sierra Leone and Liberia: Political Power, Military Strategy, and Humanitarian Intervention. Afr Aff (Lond) 103:211-26.
Hoogvelt, Ankie. (2006) Globalization and Post-Modern Imperialism. Globalizations 3:159-74.
Keen, David. (2008) Chapter 6 – Aid In Complex Emergencies, edited by David Keen, pp. viii, 293 p. Cambridge: Polity.
Kennedy, David. (2004) The Dark Sides of Virtue : Reassessing International Humanitarianism. Princeton N.J. ; Oxford : Princeton University Press c2004.
Kenny, Sue. (2005) Reconstruction in Aceh: Building Whose Capacity? . Community Development Journal 42:206-21.
Kilcullen, David. (2009) The Accidental Guerrilla : Fighting Small Wars in the Midst of a Big One. Oxford ; New York: Oxford University Press.
Kothari, U. (2005) Authority and Expertise: The Professionalisation and the Ordering of Dissent. Antipode:425-46.
Kothari, Uma. (2006) Spatial Practices and Imaginaries: Experiences of Colonial Officers and Development Professionals. Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography 27:235-53.
Kuperman, Alan J. (2008) Mitigating the Moral Hazard of Humanitarian Intervention: Lessons from Economics. Global Governance 14:219-40.
Lepard, Brian D. (2002) Rethinking Humanitarian Intervention : A Fresh Approach Based on Fundamental Ethical Principles in International Law and World Religions. University Park, Pa.: Pennsylvania State University Press ; London : Eurospan.
Lewis, I. M. . (2001) Why the Warlords Won. Times Literary Supplement.
Lipson, Michael. (2007) Peacekeeping: Organized Hypocrisy? European Journal of International Relations 13:5-34.
Lischer, Sarah Kenyon. (2003) Collateral Damage: Humanitarian Assistance as a Cause of Conflict. International Security 28:79-109.
Marriage, Zoe. (2006) Not Breaking the Rules, Not Playing the Game, International Assistance to Countries at War. London: Hurst & Co,; Palgrave & Macmillan.
McKinnon, Katharine. (2007) Postdevelopment, Professionalism, and the Politics of Participation. Annals of the Association of American Geographers 97:772-85.
Moyo, Dambisa. (2009) Why Aid Is Not Working and How There Is Another Way for Africa. London: Allen Lane.
Noxolo, Patricia. (2006) Claims: A Postcolonial Geographical Critique of ‘Partnership’ in Britain’s Development Discourse. Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography 27:254-69.
OECD DAC. (2007) Principles for Good International Engagement in Fragile States and Situations. Paris: OECD DAC.
Pandolfi, Mariella. (2003) Contract of Mutual (in)Difference: Governance and the Humanitarian Apparatus in Contemporary Albania and Kosovo. Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies 10:369-82.
Roodman, David. (2007) Macro Aid Effectiveness Research: A Guide for the Perplexed. In Working Paper: Center for Global Development.
Rozario, Kevin. (2003) “Delicious Horrors”: Mass Culture, the Red Cross, and the Appeal of Modern American Humanitarianism. American Quarterly 55:417.
Rubin, Barnett R. (2006) Peace Building and State-Building in Afghanistan: Constructing Sovereignty for Whose Security? Third World Quarterly 27:175-85.
Rubinstein, Robert A. (2005) Intervention and Culture: An Anthropological Approach to Peace Operations. Security Dialogue 36:527-44.
Slim, Hugo. (2004) How We Look: Hostile Perceptions of Humanitarian Action. In Conference on Humanitarian Coordination. Wilton Park Montreux.
Smirl, Lisa. (2008) Building the Other, Constructing Ourselves: Spatial Dimensions of International Humanitarian Response. International Political Sociology 2:236-53.
Spees, Pam. (2004) Gender, Justice and Accountability in Peace Support Operations London: International Alert.
Stoddard, Abby,Adele Harmer; and Victoria DiDomenico. (2008) The Use of Private Security Providers. London: Humanitarian Policy Group.
———. (2009) Private Security Contracting in Humanitarian Operations. London: Humanitarian Policy Group.
Templeman, Jon. (2008) Humanitarian Aid Politicized. In Policy Innovations: Carnegie Council
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. (2003) Sexual and Gender-Based Violence against Refugees, Returnees and Internally Displaced Persons: Guidelines for Prevention and Response. Geneva: UNHCR.
Weiss, Thomas George; and Cindy Collins. (2000) Chapter 5 – Main Actors, Humanitarian Challenges and Intervention. Dilemmas in World Politics. 2nd ed. ed. Boulder, Colo. ; Oxford: Westview Press.
Whitworth, Sandra. (2004) Men, Militarism, and UN Peacekeeping : A Gendered Analysis. Critical Security Studies. Boulder, Colo. ; London: Lynne Rienner.

Additional Readings (on human security and the merging of development and military concerns):
Basaran, Tugba. (2008) Security, Law, Borders: Spaces of Exclusion. International Political Sociology 2:339-54.
Bauman, Zygmunt. (2000) Community : Seeking Safety in an Insecure World. Polity.
Bigo, Didier. (2006) Protection: Security, Territory and Population. In The Politics of Protection : Sites of Insecurity and Political Agency, edited by Jef Huysmans, Andrew Dobson and Raia Prokhovnik, pp. 84-100. London: Routledge.
Blakeley, Ruth. (2009) State Terrorism and Neoliberalism : The North in the South. London: Routledge.
Brahimi, Lakhdar. (2008) Towards a Culture of Security and Accountability. New York: United Nations.
Brinkley, Joel. April 8, 2006 “Give Rebuilding Lower Priority in Future Wars”. New York Times.
Burgess, J. Peter; and Taylor Owen. (2004) Security Dialogue: Special Issue on Human Security (Vol. 35; No. 3). pp. Articles 6 – 27.
Chandler, David. (2008) Theorising the Shift from Security to Insecurity – Kaldor, Duffield, Furedi. Conflict, Security & Development 8:265-76.
Duffield, Mark. (2001) Chapters 1, 2 & 5 Global Governance and the New Wars : The Merging of Development and Security. London: Zed.
Füredi, Frank. (2007) Invitation to Terror : The Expanding Empire of the Unknown. London: Continuum.
Hampson, Fen Osler; and Jean Daudelin. (2001) Madness in the Multitude : Human Security and World Disorder. Toronto, Ont. ; Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Harmer, Adele. (2008) Integrated Missions: A Threat to Humanitarian Security? International Peacekeeping 15:528-39.
House of Commons. (2009) Department of International Development: Operating in Insecure Environments. London: House of Commons.
Hyndman, Jennifer. (2007) The Securitization of Fear in Post-Tsunami Sri Lanka. Annals of the Association of American Geographers 97:361-72.
International Federal of the Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies. (2007) Stay Safe: The International Federations Guide to a Safer Mission. Geneva: IFRC.
International Peace Institute. (2009) Global Terrorism: Task Forces on Strengthening Multilateral Security Capacity. In IPI Blue Papers: IPI.
Kaldor, Mary. (2007) Chapter 3. In Human Security, edited by Mary Kaldor, pp. ix, 228 p. Cambridge: Polity.
Lischer, Sarah Kenyon. (2007) Military Intervention and the Humanitarian “Force Multiplier”. Global Governance 13:99-118.
Low, Setha M. (2001) The Edge and the Center: Gated Communities and the Discourse of Urban Fear. American Anthropologist 103:45-58.
Nelson, Diane M. (2005) Chapter 9 – Life During Wartime. In Anthropologies of Modernity edited by Jonathan Xavier Inda. Oxford: Blackwell.
Pupuvac, Vanessa. (2005) Human Security and the Rise of Global Therapeutic Governance Conflict, Security & Development 5:161-81.
Report of the Secretary General. (2003) Safety and Security of Humanitarian Personnel and Protection of United Nations Personnel. edited by UN General Assembly. New York: United Nations.
Secretary General’s High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change. (2004) Secretary General’s High-Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change
. New York: United Nations.
Sheik, Mani,Maria Isabel Gutierrez,Paul Bolton,Paul Speigel,Michel Thieren; and Gilbert Burnham. (2000) Deaths among Humanitarian Workers. British Medical Journal 321.
Slim, Hugo. (2003) Humanitarianism with Borders? NGOs, Belligerent Military Forces and Humanitarian Action. In ICVA Conference on NGOs in a Changing World Order: Dilemmas and Challenges. Geneva.
Smith, General Sir Rupert. (2006) The Utility of Force: The Art of War in the Modern World. London: Penguin.
Stoddard, Abby, Adele Harmer, Katherine Haver. (2006) Providing Aid in Insecure Environments: Trends in Policy and Operations. In Humanitarian Policy Group: Overseas Development Institute.
Stoddard, Abby,Adele Harmer; and Katherine Haver. (2009) Providing Aid in Insecure Environments: 2009 Update. In Humanitarian Policy Group: Overseas Development Institute.
Templeman, Jon. (2008) Humanitarian Aid Politicized. In Policy Innovations: Carnegie Council
US Army. (2006) Counterinsurgency.
Van Brabant, Koenraad. (1998) Cool Ground for Aid Providers: Towards Better Security Management in Aid Agencies. Disasters 22:109-25.
———. (2000) Operational Security Management in Violent Environments. In Good Practice Review, edited by ODI. London: HPN.
Vincenzo, Bollettino. (2008) Understanding the Security Management Practices of Humanitarian Organizations. Disasters 32:263-79.
Walker, RBJ. (1997) The Subject of Security. In Critical Security Studies : Concepts and Cases, edited by Keith Krause and Michael C. Williams, pp. xxiv, 379p. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
World Health Organisation. (2002) World Report on Violence and Health. edited by Etienne G Krug and et al. Geneva.
Yamashita, Hikaru. (2004) Humanitarian Space and International Politics : The Creation of Safe Areas. Aldershot ; Burlington, VT: Ashgate.

ANNEX 1

PRESENTATIONS

Groups: Will be announced on Study Direct by Week 2. They will be allocated according to student preferences for specific topics, as much as possible however, the convenor retains the right to make final decisions on group allocation according to international best practice.
Objective & Approach: The objective of the presentation is two fold. First, the group must introduce and familiarize the class to a given case study from within the ‘conflict, development, and security’ literature. Second, the group must critically assess the given case study through the theoretical theme of the given week.
Example: Analyze the recent conflict in South Kyrgyzstan from the perspective of environmental degradation.
This presentation might spend the first 5 minutes giving a brief overview of the conflict, security and development situation in South Kyrgyzstan, focusing on the most pertinent events: in this case, the recent ethnic clashes. It would then move on to demonstrating how theories of environmental degradation would explain these events. For example, climate change has led to a to a reduction of fertile land available for agriculture which has led to an increase in regional migration and demand for land which has broken down along ethnic lines leading to increased inter-ethnic tensions, as recently shown. The last few minutes of the presentation should be used to assess whether the group agrees with this theoretical framework and pointing out any problems or shortcomings that the framework misses. Example: Your team questions whether the ethnic categories used in the mainstream analysis of the conflict are applicable. You feel that they are constructed categories and the violence is the result of conflict over trade routes within the region rather than purely ethnically motivated.
Please note that the presentation should NOT spend time detailing the theoretical positions as these will be discussed in the initial part of the seminar and all students are expected to have done the theoretical readings before coming to class. The focus is on the application of these frameworks.
Format & Supporting Materials:
• Ideally, the group can email handouts and presentation to the convenor at least 24 hours before the presentation. The convenor will then post them on Study Direct and it is the responsibility of individual students to bring a print out to class
• Where this hadn’t been done, the group must provide handouts to the class.
• The content is up to the group, but it should cover the basic points and include a short bibliography of works consulted. It is up to the group to research the topic. There are ample articles available in the library and in the electronic journals on the case studies. Finding and synthesizing this material is part of the task. A ‘notes’ version of the power point presentation is appropriate however, groups may wish to include supplementary material.
• The group is encouraged to use visual aids – either through power point, keynote or overheads. Facilities for power point and overhead are available in most classrooms. Mac users will need to organize the electronic connectivity themselves. In all cases it is up to the group to ensure that they have sufficiently prepared the equipment beforehand so that the presentation runs smoothly.
• The group will have 20 minutes to present followed by 10 minutes of questions. Groups will have a 2 minutes warning. At 20 minutes groups must end their presentations even if they are not done or risk an automatic 10 mark penalty.
• It is up to the group how they divide up the presentation. Each member of the whether they all want to speak. Some people may have a talent for designing presentations, or for doing research rather than public speaking. However at least half the team must present verbally (all may do so if they wish) and those who have not presented must answer at least one question each following the presentation. The presentation must include a final slide which clearly details the roles and responsibilities of each member of the team.
• In the case of problems within the team – for example, one team member not turning up to planning meetings, or failing to do contribute fairly to the groups workload, please send me at email detailing the difficulty, and I will intervene to resolve the problem. Please note that it is not uncommon to have tensions within a group, and dealing with these in a constructive way is part of the task. Particularly in international settings, there will be occasions when you are working with people from very different backgrounds than your own. Being able to constructively negotiate this challenge will be an important part of the skill set that you develop over the course of this MA.

Written Component : To be submitted in class on the day of the presentation
• The class must submit a written portfolio to the convenor composed of:
o a one page description of the teams working method including when they met, who was present, how they decided upon roles, what difficulties they faced and how they resolved them
o All handouts
o A copy of the visual presentation
o A complete bibliography of works consulted, with the most useful works indicated in bold font

Marking Criteria:
1. Substance:
• How well does the presentation identify and present the relevant aspects of the case study?
• How well does the presentation apply the theoretical framework to the case study?
• Has the group identified appropriate literature?
• How have they used this literature? Have they merely described it or have they presented it in a way which demonstrates critical analysis
• Is the team able to answer the questions that are raised in a professional manner?
• Are the materials handed in clear and well written?

2. Presentation
• Is the verbal presentation succinct, clear and easy to understand?
• Is the information included relevant?
• How appropriate are the handouts?
• Are the visual aids and handouts clear and visually appealing? Do they complement or detract from the overall presentation?
• Does the team work together well? Have they fulfilled the criteria that all members contribute?
• Have they stayed within the allocated time?

Marking Criteria for Presentations

Descriptor AlphaScale %                             Criteria
Excellent  A+ 95 This category of marks is given for a flawless presentation both in terms of content and style.  It is of the standard that could be presented in front of a high level professional audience (for example, Chatham House) and should bring to the topic a novel and scintillating approach.  All team members will contribute to the overall presentation. It will stay within the time limit. Questions will be answered in a professional manner.
A    A-   9085 Such marks are given for an excellent or outstanding presentation. A presentation of this standard will exhibit excellent levels of knowledge, understanding and presentation skills comprising all the qualities stated above, with additional elements of originality and flair. It will exhibit a critical engagement with the material presented and include independent argument regarding the theme, issue or topic being presented. It will be excellently presented in a fluent speaking style supported by excellent visual aids and handouts. All team members will contribute to the overall presentation. It will stay within the time limit. Questions will be answered in a professional manner.
Good B+BB- 807570 A mark in this range is indicative of a good or very good presentation. A presentation of this quality will show a good level of knowledge and understanding of the material covered. It will be well focussed, show evidence of very thoughtful preparation and a very clear comprehension of the material delivered. The material will be well structured, accurate, very coherently delivered and exhibit high level presentation and speaking skills well supported by good use of clear visual aids and handouts. All team members will contribute to the overall presentation. It will stay within the time limit. Questions will be answered in a professional manner.
Satisfactory C+CC- 656055 A mark in this range is indicative that the presentation is of a satisfactory to very satisfactory standard. A presentation of this quality will show clear knowledge and understanding of the material covered. It will be focused and show evidence of thoughtful preparation and clear comprehension of the material delivered. The material will be reasonably well structured, coherently presented and exhibit clear speaking skills supported by adequate use of clear visual aids and handouts. There may be some omission of relevant material or limited develop of a topic, theme or argument, it may contain minor factual errors and not all team members may have contributed.  It may be too long or too short.  Team members may have some difficulty dealing with questions from the audience.
Pass D +DD 504540 A mark in this range is indicative that the presentation meets the minimum standard expected. A presentation of this quality will show limited knowledge and understanding of the material covered. It will show evidence of some preparation and comprehension, but the presentation may be weakly organized and/or cover only a limited range of the relevant material. It may exhibit weak presentation or speaking skills, lack appropriate visual aids and/or handouts and may contain some significant factual errors. Some team members may not have contributed and it may be significantly too short or too long.
Fail E +E 3515 A mark in this range is indicative that the presentation is below, but at the upper end of the range is approaching, the minimum standard expected. It indicates a weak presentation below the minimum standard expected. This will be because either the presentation is too short, poorly organized, poorly structured and difficult to comprehend, or is poorly focused on the issue, topic or theme required. It will exhibit minimal knowledge or understanding of the material covered and may display very weak presentation or speaking skills, or contain substantial factual errors. Material may be missing.
F 0 Work not submitted.   Fail.

Annex 2:  Essay Outlines

 You should prepare a one page outline of your essay comprised of a research question (See Annex 2), basic outline and short bibliography for class in Week 7.  On that day, I will be holding an essay writing workshop where you will have the chance to review each others’ outlines, and provide feedback.

You will be asked to assess each others’ outlines according the following criteria.

  • Is the research question well formulated?
  • Is there a clear argument?
  • Is the structure logical and does it work to support the argument?
  • Is the bibliography appropriate?
  • Is the project viable in a 5000 word essay format?
  • What elements/issues need to be included for a well supported argument?
  • What pitfalls do you anticipate?

Based on these criteria you will assign a mark to the outline.  Marking sheets will be distributed in class.  Please bring 4 copies of your outline to class (one for you, one for 2 or your peers and one for me). You are strongly encouraged to organize a follow up meeting to discuss your outline with me before embarking on your final essay.

You should use these criteria when formulating your own outlines.  When submitting your final essay, please include a short paragraph, prior to the essay which describes how the feedback you received influenced your work.

Annex 3:

Sample Essay Topics

(please feel free to develop your own)

1. “Experience shows that helping states to become more responsive and supporting durable peace are both fundamental to making progress toward the MDGs.” Discuss.

2. Critique at least 2 of the OECD DAC “Principles for Good International Engagement in Fragile States and Situations” including a discussion of the emergence of the neologism “fragile states and situations”.

3.  A certain degree of corruption is beneficial to post-conflict peace processes. Discuss.

4. Is it possible for aid to “do no harm”?

5. Does migration challenge the established CSD paradigm?

6.  Does CSD contribute the construction of “the victim” as identity category?

7.  Is aid just a continuation of war by other means?

8.  Is development the new counter insurgency?

9.  Can peace building be seen as separate from nation building?

10.  Has humanitarianism changed the nature of war?

11.  Development is inseparable from conflict.  Discuss.

Annex 4:  Essay Marking Criteria

Descriptor AlphaScale %                             Criteria
Excellent  A+ 95 is awarded for work of exceptional quality based on a comprehensive knowledge of the chosen topic, a sustained high level of critical analysis combined with a genuine originality of approach. The essay or dissertation will be tightly argued, meticulously organised, extremely well documented and will approach, in principle, publishable standard.
A    A-   9085 is awarded when candidates show evidence of extensive relevant reading, a significant grasp of current major issues in the field and offer an original approach to their chosen topic. This knowledge will have been reviewed critically and with sufficient insight to challenge received ideas. The arguments will be clearly and persuasively put.
Good B+BB- 807570 is awarded when candidates show consistency and fluency in discussing and evaluating evidence and theories from a wide range of sources. They will demonstrate an ability to relate this reading to their chosen topic and will clearly have understood and assimilated the relevant literature. The argument will be clear and well structured.
Satisfactory C+CC- 656055 is awarded when there is clear evidence of  knowledge and understanding but where ideas, critical comment or methodology are under-developed or oversimplified. There may be room for significant improvement in the clarity and structure of the argument and although there will be appropriate reference to relevant reading, this may not be sufficiently extensive. Some irrelevancy may be present.
Pass D +DD 504540 This is a pass. It is awarded for work that exhibits some knowledge of the chosen topic, but displays weaknesses of understanding and thoroughness. Arguments will be weakly structured and important information and references may be lacking. There may be a considerable proportion that is irrelevant
Fail E +E 3515 This indicates a fail. It is awarded to work that is seriously flawed, displaying a lack of awareness of essential texts and incoherent arguments. The research involved may be poorly organised and inadequately discussed, offering a fundamentally inadequate response to the chosen topic. Large parts of the answer may be irrelevant
F 0 Work not submitted.   Fail.